GRE閱讀題目解析:杰克遜時(shí)代的美國(guó)平等

　　GRE閱讀題目解析:杰克遜時(shí)代的美國(guó)平等

　　P2

　　Questions 4 to 5 are based on the following reading passage.

　　Tocqueville, apparently, was wrong. Jacksonian America was not a fluid, egalitarian society where individual wealth and poverty were ephemeral conditions.At least so argues E. Pessen in his iconoclastic study of the very rich in the United States between 1825 and 1850.

　　Pessen does present a quantity of examples, together with some refreshingly intelligible statistics, to establish the existence of an inordinately wealthy class. Though active in commerce or the professions, most of the wealthy were not self-made, but had inherited family fortunes. In no sense mercurial, these great fortunes survived the financial panics that destroyed lesser ones. Indeed, in several cities the wealthiest one percent constantly increased its share until by 1850 it owned half of the community‘s wealth. Although these observations are true, Pessen overestimates their importance by concluding from them that the undoubted progress toward inequality in the late eighteenth century continued in the Jacksonian period and that the United States was a class-ridden, plutocratic society even before industrialization. (162 words)

　　4. According to the passage, Pessen indicates that all of the following were true of the very wealthy in the United States between 1825 and 1850 EXCEPT:

　　(A) They formed a distinct upper class.

　　(B) Many of them were able to increase their holdings.

　　(C)Some of them worked as professionals or in business.

　　(D) Most of them accumulated their own fortunes.

　　(E) Many of them retained their wealth in spite of financial upheavals.

　　5. Which of the following best states the author‘s main point?

　　(A) Pessen‘s study has overturned the previously established view of the social and economic structure of early nineteenth-century America.

　　(B) Tocqueville‘s analysis of the United States in the Jacksonian era remains the definitive account of this period.

　　(C) Pessen‘s study is valuable primarily because it shows the continuity of the social system in the United States throughout the nineteenth century.

　　(D) The social patterns and political power of the extremely wealthy in the United States between 1825 and 1850 are well documented.

　　(E) Pessen challenges a view of the social and economic system in the United States from 1825 to 1850, but he draws conclusions that are incorrect.

　　P2

　　Questions 4 to 5 are based on the following reading passage.

　　1

　　Tocqueville, apparently, was wrong. Jacksonian America was not a fluid, egalitarian society where individual wealth and poverty were ephemeral conditions.

　　托克維爾認(rèn)為杰克遜時(shí)代的美國(guó)是平等的，窮人有機(jī)會(huì)使自己躋身富裕階層，貌似(有人認(rèn)為)他錯(cuò)了。

　　(apparently，這個(gè)詞有兩種解釋，都源于apparent 。一種是 “ 顯而易見(jiàn)地，明顯地 ”;一種是 “ 似乎是這樣地(其實(shí)未必如此)，表面上地 ”。下文可以看出作者拿出的證據(jù)都是間接的(P的研究結(jié)果)，且最終作者并不認(rèn)同P的結(jié)論，所以 apparently 應(yīng)該做 “ 似乎 ” 講，取第二種解釋。

　　Jachsonian，杰克遜的，這里的杰克遜是美國(guó)第七任總統(tǒng)(任期1828-1836)安德魯·杰克遜，一直被認(rèn)為是美國(guó)最杰出的十位總統(tǒng)之一，民主黨創(chuàng)建者之一。與本題無(wú)關(guān)。)

　　2

　　At least so argues E. Pessen in his iconoclastic study of the very rich in the United States between 1825 and 1850.

　　至少 E P 的顛覆傳統(tǒng)的研究這樣認(rèn)為，其研究對(duì)象是1825-1850年的美國(guó)超富階層。

　　3

　　Pessen does present a quantity of examples, together with some refreshingly intelligible statistics, to establish the existence of an inordinately wealthy class.

　　P 的確列舉了若干例子，結(jié)合一些易理解的數(shù)據(jù)，以勾勒出這個(gè)超富裕階層，使人耳目一新。

　　(inordinately 【AHD】超越適當(dāng)限度的，過(guò)度的)

　　4

　　Though active in commerce or the professions, most of the wealthy were not self-made, but had inherited family fortunes.

　　盡管活躍在商界或其他專業(yè)領(lǐng)域，但大部分富人的巨額財(cái)富來(lái)自家族傳承，而非個(gè)人奮斗。

　　5

　　In no sense mercurial, these great fortunes survived the financial panics that destroyed lesser ones.

　　經(jīng)濟(jì)恐慌時(shí)期，這些巨富得以全身而退而小資本悉數(shù)傾覆，這絕非偶然。

　　(in no sense 絕不(adv.)

　　mercurial 反復(fù)無(wú)常的，難以預(yù)測(cè)的)

　　6

　　Indeed, in several cities the wealthiest one percent constantly increased its share until by 1850 it owned half of the community‘s wealth.

　　實(shí)際上在某些城市，前1%的富人的財(cái)富持續(xù)增加，直到1850年，已占他們所在區(qū)域總財(cái)富的半數(shù)。

　　7

　　Although these observations are true, Pessen overestimates their importance by concluding from them that the undoubted progress toward inequality in the late eighteenth century continued in the Jacksonian period and that the United States was a class-ridden, plutocratic society even before industrialization. (162 words)

　　即便這些觀察是真實(shí)的，P 也高估了它們的重要性，他誤以為這個(gè)顯然不平等的進(jìn)程在杰克遜時(shí)代得以繼續(xù)，甚至使美國(guó)在完成工業(yè)化以前，就成為一個(gè)階級(jí)分化的，由財(cái)閥統(tǒng)治的社會(huì)。

　　4. According to the passage, Pessen indicates that all of the following were true of the very wealthy in the United States between 1825 and 1850 EXCEPT:

　　(A) They formed a distinct upper class.

　　(B) Many of them were able to increase their holdings.

　　(C)Some of them worked as professionals or in business.

　　(D) Most of them accumulated their own fortunes.

　　(E) Many of them retained their wealth in spite of financial upheavals.

　　選D。

　　見(jiàn)句 4：

　　Though active in commerce or the professions, most of the wealthy were not self-made, but had inherited family fortunes.

　　5. Which of the following best states the author‘s main point?

　　(A) Pessen‘s study has overturned the previously established view of the social and economic structure of early nineteenth-century America.

　　(B) Tocqueville‘s analysis of the United States in the Jacksonian era remains the definitive account of this period.

　　(C) Pessen‘s study is valuable primarily because it shows the continuity of the social system in the United States throughout the nineteenth century.

　　(D) The social patterns and political power of the extremely wealthy in the United States between 1825 and 1850 are well documented.

　　(E) Pessen challenges a view of the social and economic system in the United States from 1825 to 1850, but he draws conclusions that are incorrect.

　　選 E

　　A

　　P 的研究雖然是反傳統(tǒng)的，但是他能否 overturn 學(xué)界對(duì)這個(gè)時(shí)期的社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)結(jié)構(gòu)觀點(diǎn)，未必，第 7 句暗示作者也認(rèn)為 P 的結(jié)論有問(wèn)題。

　　B

　　托克維爾對(duì)于杰克森時(shí)代的美國(guó)的分析仍然是權(quán)威(definitive)的嗎?

　　最大干擾項(xiàng)。

　　托克維爾是著名的法國(guó)歷史學(xué)家，政治家，貴族出身的他曾游歷美國(guó)，寫下著名的《美國(guó)的民主》(還有《美國(guó)游記》及大量書信)，一直被認(rèn)為是美國(guó)社會(huì)的旁觀者之眼。如果你有這種背景知識(shí)，怎么看都覺(jué)得這個(gè)選項(xiàng)對(duì)?？上Ъ幢?“ 托克維爾觀點(diǎn) ” 真的有這種地位，文中也看不出來(lái)，作者明確表態(tài)的內(nèi)容，僅限于 P 質(zhì)疑托克維爾，P 的結(jié)論有問(wèn)題，并不能證明托克維爾的觀點(diǎn)就是權(quán)威的。所以，重申我們?cè)谔羁疹}講解中就提醒大家的話：

　　“GRE文字推理部分，如果你沒(méi)有背景知識(shí) —— 是一種幸運(yùn)，倘若不幸具備一些背景知識(shí) —— 切記要非常謹(jǐn)慎地使用(最好別用)，一切從文本和常識(shí)出發(fā)。”

　　C

　　不一定是 valuable 的，也不一定有 continuity 。

　　D

　　documented 用文件證實(shí)或證明的，明確記錄的。

　　顯然不夠明確(not well)，否則也不會(huì)產(chǎn)生這么多分歧，學(xué)者們各說(shuō)各話。