【奧巴馬】2010國(guó)情咨文——2010年1月27日美國(guó)眾議院

2010國(guó)情咨文——2010年1月27日美國(guó)眾議院

Madam Speaker, Vice President Biden, members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:

Our Constitution declares that from time to time, the President shall give to Congress information about the state of our union. For 220 years, our leaders have fulfilled this duty. They've done so during periods of prosperity and tranquility. And they've done so in the midst of war and depression; at moments of great strife and great struggle.

It's tempting to look back on these moments and assume that our progress was inevitable—that America was always destined to succeed. But when the Union was turned back at Bull Run, and the Allies first landed at Omaha Beach, victory was very much in doubt.

When the market crashed on Black Tuesday, and civil rights marchers were beaten on Bloody Sunday, the future was anything but certain. These were the times that tested the courage of our convictions, and the strength of our union. And despite all our divisions and disagreements, our hesitations and our fears, America prevailed because we chose to move forward as one nation, as one people.

Again, we are tested. And again, we must answer history's call.

One year ago, I took office amid two wars, an economy rocked by a severe recession, a financial system on the verge of collapse, and a government deeply in debt. Experts from across the political spectrum warned that if we did not act, we might face a second depression. So we acted immediately and aggressively. And one year later, the worst of the storm has passed. But the devastation remains. One in 10 Americans still cannot find work. Many businesses have shuttered. Home values have declined. Small towns and rural communities have been hit especially hard. And for those who'd already known poverty, life has become that much harder.

This recession has also compounded the burdens that America's families have been dealing with for decades—the burden of working harder and longer for less; of being unable to save enough to retire or help kids with college. So I know the anxieties that are out there right now. They're not new. These struggles are the reason I ran for President. These struggles are what I've witnessed for years in places like Elkhart, Indiana; Galesburg, Illinois. I hear about them in the letters that I read each night. The toughest to read are those written by children—asking why they have to move from their home, asking when their mom or dad will be able to go back to work.

For these Americans and so many others, change has not come fast enough. Some are frustrated; some are angry. They don't understand why it seems like bad behavior on Wall Street is rewarded, but hard work on Main Street isn't; or why Washington has been unable or unwilling to solve any of our problems. They're tired of the partisanship and the shouting and the pettiness. They know we can't afford it. Not now.

So we face big and difficult challenges. And what the American people hope—what they deserve—is for all of us, Democrats and Republicans, to work through our differences; to overcome the numbing weight of our politics. For while the people who sent us here have different backgrounds, different stories, different beliefs, the anxieties they face are the same. The aspirations they hold are shared: a job that pays the bills; a chance to get ahead; most of all, the ability to give their children a better life.

You know what else they share? They share a stubborn resilience in the face of adversity. After one of the most difficult years in our history, they remain busy building cars and teaching kids, starting businesses and going back to school. They're coaching Little League and helping their neighbors. One woman wrote to me and said, "We are strained but hopeful, struggling but encouraged."

It's because of this spirit—this great decency and great strength—that I have never been more hopeful about America's future than I am tonight. Despite our hardships, our union is strong. We do not give up. We do not quit. We do not allow fear or division to break our spirit. In this new decade, it's time the American people get a government that matches their decency; that embodies their strength.

And tonight, tonight I'd like to talk about how together we can deliver on that promise.

It begins with our economy.

Our most urgent task upon taking office was to shore up the same banks that helped cause this crisis. It was not easy to do. And if there's one thing that has unified Democrats and Republicans, and everybody in between, it's that we all hated the bank bailout. I hated it, I hated it. You hated it. It was about as popular as a root canal. But when I ran for President, I promised I wouldn't just do what was popular—I would do what was necessary. And if we had allowed the meltdown of the financial system, unemployment might be double what it is today. More businesses would certainly have closed. More homes would have surely been lost.

So I supported the last administration's efforts to create the financial rescue program. And when we took that program over, we made it more transparent and more accountable. And as a result, the markets are now stabilized, and we've recovered most of the money we spent on the banks. Most but not all. To recover the rest, I've proposed a fee on the biggest banks. Now, I know Wall Street isn't keen on this idea. But if these firms can afford to hand out big bonuses again, they can afford a modest fee to pay back the taxpayers who rescued them in their time of need.

Now, as we stabilized the financial system, we also took steps to get our economy growing again, save as many jobs as possible, and help Americans who had become unemployed. That's why we extended or increased unemployment benefits for more than 18 million Americans; made health insurance 65 percent cheaper for families who get their coverage through COBRA; and passed 25 different tax cuts.

Now, let me repeat: We cut taxes. We cut taxes for 95 percent of working families. We cut taxes for small businesses. We cut taxes for first-time homebuyers. We cut taxes for parents trying to care for their children. We cut taxes for 8 million Americans paying for college.

I thought I'd get some applause on that one.

As a result, millions of Americans had more to spend on gas and food and other necessities, all of which helped businesses keep more workers. And we haven't raised income taxes by a single dime on a single person. Not a single dime.

Because of the steps we took, there are about two million Americans working right now who would otherwise be unemployed. Two hundred thousand work in construction and clean energy; 300,000 are teachers and other education workers. Tens of thousands are cops, firefighters, correctional officers, first responders. And we're on track to add another one and a half million jobs to this total by the end of the year.

The plan that has made all of this possible, from the tax cuts to the jobs, is the Recovery Act. That's right—the Recovery Act, also known as the stimulus bill. Economists on the left and the right say this bill has helped save jobs and avert disaster. But you don't have to take their word for it.

Talk to the small business in Phoenix that will triple its workforce because of the Recovery Act. Talk to the window manufacturer in Philadelphia who said he used to be skeptical about the Recovery Act, until he had to add two more work shifts just because of the business it created. Talk to the single teacher raising two kids who was told by her principal in the last week of school that because of the Recovery Act, she wouldn't be laid off after all.

There are stories like this all across America. And after two years of recession, the economy is growing again. Retirement funds have started to gain back some of their value. Businesses are beginning to invest again, and slowly some are starting to hire again.

But I realize that for every success story, there are other stories, of men and women who wake up with the anguish of not knowing where their next paycheck will come from; who send out resumes week after week and hear nothing in response. That is why jobs must be our number-one focus in 2010, and that's why I'm calling for a new jobs bill tonight.

Now, the true engine of job creation in this country will always be America's businesses. But government can create the conditions necessary for businesses to expand and hire more workers.

We should start where most new jobs do—in small businesses, companies that begin when—companies that begin when an entrepreneur—when an entrepreneur takes a chance on a dream, or a worker decides it's time she became her own boss. Through sheer grit and determination, these companies have weathered the recession and they're ready to grow. But when you talk to small businessowners in places like Allentown, Pennsylvania, or Elyria, Ohio, you find out that even though banks on Wall Street are lending again, they're mostly lending to bigger companies. Financing remains difficult for small businessowners across the country, even those that are making a profit.

So tonight, I'm proposing that we take $30 billion of the money Wall Street banks have repaid and use it to help community banks give small businesses the credit they need to stay afloat. I'm also proposing a new small business tax credit—one that will go to over one million small businesses who hire new workers or raise wages. While we're at it, let's also eliminate all capital gains taxes on small business investment, and provide a tax incentive for all large businesses and all small businesses to invest in new plants and equipment.

Next, we can put Americans to work today building the infrastructure of tomorrow. From the first railroads to the Interstate Highway System, our nation has always been built to compete. There's no reason Europe or China should have the fastest trains, or the new factories that manufacture clean energy products.

Tomorrow, I'll visit Tampa, Florida, where workers will soon break ground on a new high-speed railroad funded by the Recovery Act. There are projects like that all across this country that will create jobs and help move our nation's goods, services, and information.

We should put more Americans to work building clean energy facilities and give rebates to Americans who make their homes more energy-efficient, which supports clean energy jobs. And to encourage these and other businesses to stay within our borders, it is time to finally slash the tax breaks for companies that ship our jobs overseas, and give those tax breaks to companies that create jobs right here in the United States of America.

Now, the House has passed a jobs bill that includes some of these steps. As the first order of business this year, I urge the Senate to do the same, and I know they will. They will. People are out of work. They're hurting. They need our help. And I want a jobs bill on my desk without delay.

But the truth is, these steps won't make up for the seven million jobs that we've lost over the last two years. The only way to move to full employment is to lay a new foundation for long-term economic growth, and finally address the problems that America's families have confronted for years. We can't afford another so-called economic "expansion" like the one from the last decade—what some call the "lost decade"—where jobs grew more slowly than during any prior expansion; where the income of the average American household declined while the cost of health care and tuition reached record highs; where prosperity was built on a housing bubble and financial speculation.

From the day I took office, I've been told that addressing our larger challenges is too ambitious; such an effort would be too contentious. I've been told that our political system is too gridlocked, and that we should just put things on hold for a while. For those who make these claims, I have one simple question: How long should we wait? How long should America put its future on hold?

You see, Washington has been telling us to wait for decades, even as the problems have grown worse. Meanwhile, China is not waiting to revamp its economy. Germany is not waiting. India is not waiting. These nations—they're not standing still. These nations aren't playing for second place. They're putting more emphasis on math and science. They're rebuilding their infrastructure. They're making serious investments in clean energy because they want those jobs.

Well, I do not accept second place for the United States of America.

As hard as it may be, as uncomfortable and contentious as the debates may become, it's time to get serious about fixing the problems that are hampering our growth.

Now, one place to start is serious financial reform. Look, I am not interested in punishing banks. I'm interested in protecting our economy. A strong, healthy financial market makes it possible for businesses to access credit and create new jobs. It channels the savings of families into investments that raise incomes. But that can only happen if we guard against the same recklessness that nearly brought down our entire economy.

We need to make sure consumers and middle-class families have the information they need to make financial decisions. We can't allow financial institutions, including those that take your deposits, to take risks that threaten the whole economy.

Now, the House has already passed financial reform with many of these changes. And the lobbyists are trying to kill it. But we cannot let them win this fight. And if the bill that ends up on my desk does not meet the test of real reform, I will send it back until we get it right. We've got to get it right.

Next, we need to encourage American innovation. Last year, we made the largest investment in basic research funding in history—an investment that could lead to the world's cheapest solar cells or treatment that kills cancer cells but leaves healthy ones untouched. And no area is more ripe for such innovation than energy. You can see the results of last year's investments in clean energy—in the North Carolina company that will create 1,200 jobs nationwide helping to make advanced batteries; or in the California business that will put a thousand people to work making solar panels.

But to create more of these clean energy jobs, we need more production, more efficiency, more incentives. And that means building a new generation of safe, clean nuclear power plants in this country. It means making tough decisions about opening new offshore areas for oil and gas development. It means continued investment in advanced biofuels and clean coal technologies. And, yes, it means passing a comprehensive energy and climate bill with incentives that will finally make clean energy the profitable kind of energy in America.

I am grateful to the House for passing such a bill last year. And this year I'm eager to help advance the bipartisan effort in the Senate.

I know there have been questions about whether we can afford such changes in a tough economy. I know that there are those who disagree with the overwhelming scientific evidence on climate change. But here's the thing—even if you doubt the evidence, providing incentives for energy-efficiency and clean energy are the right thing to do for our future—because the nation that leads the clean energy economy will be the nation that leads the global economy. And America must be that nation.

Third, we need to export more of our goods. Because the more products we make and sell to other countries, the more jobs we support right here in America. So tonight, we set a new goal: We will double our exports over the next five years, an increase that will support two million jobs in America. To help meet this goal, we're launching a National Export Initiative that will help farmers and small businesses increase their exports, and reform export controls consistent with national security.

We have to seek new markets aggressively, just as our competitors are. If America sits on the sidelines while other nations sign trade deals, we will lose the chance to create jobs on our shores. But realizing those benefits also means enforcing those agreements so our trading partners play by the rules. And that's why we'll continue to shape a Doha trade agreement that opens global markets, and why we will strengthen our trade relations in Asia and with key partners like South Korea and Panama and Colombia.

Fourth, we need to invest in the skills and education of our people. Now, this year, we've broken through the stalemate between left and right by launching a national competition to improve our schools. And the idea here is simple: Instead of rewarding failure, we only reward success. Instead of funding the status quo, we only invest in reform—reform that raises student achievement; inspires students to excel in math and science; and turns around failing schools that steal the future of too many young Americans, from rural communities to the inner city. In the 21st century, the best anti-poverty program around is a world-class education. And in this country, the success of our children cannot depend more on where they live than on their potential.

When we renew the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, we will work with Congress to expand these reforms to all 50 states. Still, in this economy, a high school diploma no longer guarantees a good job. That's why I urge the Senate to follow the House and pass a bill that will revitalize our community colleges, which are a career pathway to the children of so many working families.

To make college more affordable, this bill will finally end the unwarranted taxpayer subsidies that go to banks for student loans. Instead, let's take that money and give families a $10,000 tax credit for four years of college and increase Pell Grants. And let's tell another one million students that when they graduate, they will be required to pay only 10 percent of their income on student loans, and all of their debt will be forgiven after 20 years—and forgiven after 10 years if they choose a career in public service, because in the United States of America, no one should go broke because they chose to go to college. And by the way, it's time for colleges and universities to get serious about cutting their own costs—because they, too, have a responsibility to help solve this problem.

Now, the price of college tuition is just one of the burdens facing the middle class. That's why last year I asked Vice President Biden to chair a task force on middle-class families. That's why we're nearly doubling the child care tax credit, and making it easier to save for retirement by giving access to every worker a retirement account and expanding the tax credit for those who start a nest egg. That's why we're working to lift the value of a family's single largest investment—their home. The steps we took last year to shore up the housing market have allowed millions of Americans to take out new loans and save an average of $1,500 on mortgage payments. This year, we will step up refinancing so that homeowners can move into more affordable mortgages.

And it is precisely to relieve the burden on middle-class families that we still need health insurance reform. Yes, we do. Now, let's clear a few things up. I didn't choose to tackle this issue to get some legislative victory under my belt. And by now it should be fairly obvious that I didn't take on health care because it was good politics. I took on health care because of the stories I've heard from Americans with preexisting conditions whose lives depend on getting coverage; patients who've been denied coverage; families—even those with insurance—who are just one illness away from financial ruin.

After nearly a century of trying—Democratic administrations, Republican administrations—we are closer than ever to bringing more security to the lives of so many Americans. The approach we've taken would protect every American from the worst practices of the insurance industry. It would give small businesses and uninsured Americans a chance to choose an affordable health care plan in a competitive market. It would require every insurance plan to cover preventive care.

And by the way, I want to acknowledge our First Lady, Michelle Obama, who this year is creating a national movement to tackle the epidemic of childhood obesity and make kids healthier. Thank you. She gets embarrassed.

Our approach would preserve the right of Americans who have insurance to keep their doctor and their plan. It would reduce costs and premiums for millions of families and businesses. And according to the Congressional Budget Office—the independent organization that both parties have cited as the official scorekeeper for Congress—our approach would bring down the deficit by as much as $1 trillion over the next two decades.

Still, this is a complex issue, and the longer it was debated, the more skeptical people became. I take my share of the blame for not explaining it more clearly to the American people. And I know that with all the lobbying and horse-trading, the process left most Americans wondering, "What's in it for me?"

But I also know this problem is not going away. By the time I'm finished speaking tonight, more Americans will have lost their health insurance. Millions will lose it this year. Our deficit will grow. Premiums will go up. Patients will be denied the care they need. Small business owners will continue to drop coverage altogether. I will not walk away from these Americans, and neither should the people in this chamber.

So, as temperatures cool, I want everyone to take another look at the plan we've proposed. There's a reason why many doctors, nurses, and health care experts who know our system best consider this approach a vast improvement over the status quo. But if anyone from either party has a better approach that will bring down premiums, bring down the deficit, cover the uninsured, strengthen Medicare for seniors, and stop insurance company abuses, let me know. Let me know. Let me know. I'm eager to see it.

Here's what I ask Congress, though: Don't walk away from reform. Not now. Not when we are so close. Let us find a way to come together and finish the job for the American people. Let's get it done. Let's get it done.

Now, even as health care reform would reduce our deficit, it's not enough to dig us out of a massive fiscal hole in which we find ourselves. It's a challenge that makes all others that much harder to solve, and one that's been subject to a lot of political posturing. So let me start the discussion of government spending by setting the record straight.

At the beginning of the last decade, the year 2000, America had a budget surplus of over $200 billion. By the time I took office, we had a one-year deficit of over $1 trillion and projected deficits of $8 trillion over the next decade. Most of this was the result of not paying for two wars, two tax cuts, and an expensive prescription drug program. On top of that, the effects of the recession put a $3 trillion hole in our budget. All this was before I walked in the door.

Now—just stating the facts. Now, if we had taken office in ordinary times, I would have liked nothing more than to start bringing down the deficit. But we took office amid a crisis. And our efforts to prevent a second depression have added another $1 trillion to our national debt. That, too, is a fact. I'm absolutely convinced that was the right thing to do. But families across the country are tightening their belts and making tough decisions. The federal government should do the same. So tonight, I'm proposing specific steps to pay for the trillion dollars that it took to rescue the economy last year.

Starting in 2011, we are prepared to freeze government spending for three years. Spending related to our national security, Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will not be affected. But all other discretionary government programs will. Like any cash-strapped family, we will work within a budget to invest in what we need and sacrifice what we don't. And if I have to enforce this discipline by veto, I will. We will continue to go through the budget, line by line, page by page, to eliminate programs that we can't afford and don't work. We've already identified $20 billion in savings for next year. To help working families, we'll extend our middle-class tax cuts. But at a time of record deficits, we will not continue tax cuts for oil companies, for investment fund managers, and for those making over $250,000 a year. We just can't afford it.

Now, even after paying for what we spent on my watch, we'll still face the massive deficit we had when I took office. More importantly, the cost of Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will continue to skyrocket. That's why I've called for a bipartisan fiscal commission, modeled on a proposal by Republican Judd Gregg and Democrat Kent Conrad. This can't be one of those Washington gimmicks that lets us pretend we solved a problem. The commission will have to provide a specific set of solutions by a certain deadline.

Now, yesterday, the Senate blocked a bill that would have created this commission. So I'll issue an executive order that will allow us to go forward, because I refuse to pass this problem on to another generation of Americans. And when the vote comes tomorrow, the Senate should restore the pay-as-you-go law that was a big reason for why we had record surpluses in the 1990s.

Now, I know that some in my own party will argue that we can't address the deficit or freeze government spending when so many are still hurting. And I agree—which is why this freeze won't take effect until next year—when the economy is stronger. That's how budgeting works. But understand—understand if we don't take meaningful steps to rein in our debt, it could damage our markets, increase the cost of borrowing, and jeopardize our recovery—all of which would have an even worse effect on our job growth and family incomes.

From some on the right, I expect we'll hear a different argument—that if we just make fewer investments in our people, extend tax cuts including those for the wealthier Americans, eliminate more regulations, maintain the status quo on health care, our deficits will go away. The problem is that's what we did for eight years. That's what helped us into this crisis. It's what helped lead to these deficits. We can't do it again. Rather than fight the same tired battles that have dominated Washington for decades, it's time to try something new. Let's invest in our people without leaving them a mountain of debt. Let's meet our responsibility to the citizens who sent us here. Let's try common sense. (Laughter.) A novel concept.

To do that, we have to recognize that we face more than a deficit of dollars right now. We face a deficit of trust—deep and corrosive doubts about how Washington works that have been growing for years. To close that credibility gap we have to take action on both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue—to end the outsized influence of lobbyists; to do our work openly; to give our people the government they deserve.

That's what I came to Washington to do. That's why—for the first time in history—my administration posts on our White House visitors online. That's why we've excluded lobbyists from policymaking jobs, or seats on federal boards and commissions. But we can't stop there. It's time to require lobbyists to disclose each contact they make on behalf of a client with my administration or with Congress. It's time to put strict limits on the contributions that lobbyists give to candidates for federal office.

With all due deference to separation of powers, last week the Supreme Court reversed a century of law that I believe will open the floodgates for special interests—including foreign corporations—to spend without limit in our elections. I don't think American elections should be bankrolled by America's most powerful interests, or worse, by foreign entities. They should be decided by the American people. And I'd urge Democrats and Republicans to pass a bill that helps to correct some of these problems.

I'm also calling on Congress to continue down the path of earmark reform. Democrats and Republicans. Democrats and Republicans. You've trimmed some of this spending, you've embraced some meaningful change. But restoring the public trust demands more. For example, some members of Congress post some earmark requests online. Tonight, I'm calling on Congress to publish all earmark requests on a single Web site before there's a vote, so that the American people can see how their money is being spent.

Of course, none of these reforms will even happen if we don't also reform how we work with one another.

Now, I'm not naïve. I never thought that the mere fact of my election would usher in peace and harmony—and some post-partisan era. I knew that both parties have fed divisions that are deeply entrenched. And on some issues, there are simply philosophical differences that will always cause us to part ways. These disagreements, about the role of government in our lives, about our national priorities and our national security, they've been taking place for over 200 years. They're the very essence of our democracy.

But what frustrates the American people is a Washington where every day is Election Day. We can't wage a perpetual campaign where the only goal is to see who can get the most embarrassing headlines about the other side—a belief that if you lose, I win. Neither party should delay or obstruct every single bill just because they can. The confirmation of—I'm speaking to both parties now. The confirmation of well-qualified public servants shouldn't be held hostage to the pet projects or grudges of a few individual senators.

Washington may think that saying anything about the other side, no matter how false, no matter how malicious, is just part of the game. But it's precisely such politics that has stopped either party from helping the American people. Worse yet, it's sowing further division among our citizens, further distrust in our government. So, no, I will not give up on trying to change the tone of our politics. I know it's an election year. And after last week, it's clear that campaign fever has come even earlier than usual. But we still need to govern.

To Democrats, I would remind you that we still have the largest majority in decades, and the people expect us to solve problems, not run for the hills. And if the Republican leadership is going to insist that 60 votes in the Senate are required to do any business at all in this town—a supermajority—then the responsibility to govern is now yours as well. Just saying no to everything may be good short-term politics, but it's not leadership. We were sent here to serve our citizens, not our ambitions. So let's show the American people that we can do it together. This week, I'll be addressing a meeting of the House Republicans. I'd like to begin monthly meetings with both Democratic and Republican leadership. I know you can't wait.

Throughout our history, no issue has united this country more than our security. Sadly, some of the unity we felt after 9/11 has dissipated. We can argue all we want about who's to blame for this, but I'm not interested in re-litigating the past. I know that all of us love this country. All of us are committed to its defense. So let's put aside the schoolyard taunts about who's tough. Let's reject the false choice between protecting our people and upholding our values. Let's leave behind the fear and division, and do what it takes to defend our nation and forge a more hopeful future—for America and for the world.

That's the work we began last year. Since the day I took office, we've renewed our focus on the terrorists who threaten our nation. We've made substantial investments in our homeland security and disrupted plots that threatened to take American lives. We are filling unacceptable gaps revealed by the failed Christmas attack, with better airline security and swifter action on our intelligence. We've prohibited torture and strengthened partnerships from the Pacific to South Asia to the Arabian Peninsula. And in the last year, hundreds of al Qaeda's fighters and affiliates, including many senior leaders, have been captured or killed—far more than in 2008.

And in Afghanistan, we're increasing our troops and training Afghan security forces so they can begin to take the lead in July of 2011, and our troops can begin to come home. We will reward good governance, work to reduce corruption, and support the rights of all Afghans—men and women alike. We're joined by allies and partners who have increased their own commitments, and who will come together tomorrow in London to reaffirm our common purpose. There will be difficult days ahead. But I am absolutely confident we will succeed.

As we take the fight to al Qaeda, we are responsibly leaving Iraq to its people. As a candidate, I promised that I would end this war, and that is what I am doing as President. We will have all of our combat troops out of Iraq by the end of this August. We will support the Iraqi government—we will support the Iraqi government as they hold elections, and we will continue to partner with the Iraqi people to promote regional peace and prosperity. But make no mistake: This war is ending, and all of our troops are coming home.

Tonight, all of our men and women in uniform—in Iraq, in Afghanistan, and around the world—they have to know that we—that they have our respect, our gratitude, our full support. And just as they must have the resources they need in war, we all have a responsibility to support them when they come home. That's why we made the largest increase in investments for veterans in decades—last year. That's why we're building a 21st century VA. And that's why Michelle has joined with Jill Biden to forge a national commitment to support military families.

Now, even as we prosecute two wars, we're also confronting perhaps the greatest danger to the American people—the threat of nuclear weapons. I've embraced the vision of John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan through a strategy that reverses the spread of these weapons and seeks a world without them. To reduce our stockpiles and launchers, while ensuring our deterrent, the United States and Russia are completing negotiations on the farthest-reaching arms control treaty in nearly two decades. And at April's Nuclear Security Summit, we will bring 44 nations together here in Washington, D.C. behind a clear goal: securing all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world in four years, so that they never fall into the hands of terrorists.

Now, these diplomatic efforts have also strengthened our hand in dealing with those nations that insist on violating international agreements in pursuit of nuclear weapons. That's why North Korea now faces increased isolation, and stronger sanctions—sanctions that are being vigorously enforced. That's why the international community is more united.

That's the leadership that we are providing—engagement that advances the common security and prosperity of all people. We're working through the G20 to sustain a lasting global recovery. We're working with Muslim communities around the world to promote science and education and innovation. We have gone from a bystander to a leader in the fight against climate change. We're helping developing countries to feed themselves, and continuing the fight against HIV/AIDS. And we are launching a new initiative that will give us the capacity to respond faster and more effectively to bioterrorism or an infectious disease—a plan that will counter threats at home and strengthen public health abroad.

As we have for over 60 years, America takes these actions because our destiny is connected to those beyond our shores. But we also do it because it is right. That's why, as we meet here tonight, over 10,000 Americans are working with many nations to help the people of Haiti recover and rebuild. That's why we stand with the girl who yearns to go to school in Afghanistan; why we support the human rights of the women marching through the streets of Iran; why we advocate for the young man denied a job by corruption in Guinea. For America must always stand on the side of freedom and human dignity. Always.

Abroad, America's greatest source of strength has always been our ideals. The same is true at home. We find unity in our incredible diversity, drawing on the promise enshrined in our Constitution: the notion that we're all created equal; that no matter who you are or what you look like, if you abide by the law you should be protected by it; if you adhere to our common values you should be treated no different than anyone else.

We must continually renew this promise. My administration has a Civil Rights Division that is once again prosecuting civil rights violations and employment discrimination. We finally strengthened our laws to protect against crimes driven by hate. This year, I will work with Congress and our military to finally repeal the law that denies gay Americans the right to serve the country they love because of who they are. It's the right thing to do.

We're going to crack down on violations of equal pay laws—so that women get equal pay for an equal day's work. And we should continue the work of fixing our broken immigration system—to secure our borders and enforce our laws, and ensure that everyone who plays by the rules can contribute to our economy and enrich our nation.

In the end, it's our ideals, our values that built America—values that allowed us to forge a nation made up of immigrants from every corner of the globe; values that drive our citizens still. Every day, Americans meet their responsibilities to their families and their employers. Time and again, they lend a hand to their neighbors and give back to their country. They take pride in their labor, and are generous in spirit. These aren't Republican values or Democratic values that they're living by; business values or labor values. They're American values.

Unfortunately, too many of our citizens have lost faith that our biggest institutions—our corporations, our media, and, yes, our government—still reflect these same values. Each of these institutions are full of honorable men and women doing important work that helps our country prosper. But each time a CEO rewards himself for failure, or a banker puts the rest of us at risk for his own selfish gain, people's doubts grow. Each time lobbyists game the system or politicians tear each other down instead of lifting this country up, we lose faith. The more that TV pundits reduce serious debates to silly arguments, big issues into sound bites, our citizens turn away. No wonder there's so much cynicism out there. No wonder there's so much disappointment.

I campaigned on the promise of change—change we can believe in, the slogan went. And right now, I know there are many Americans who aren't sure if they still believe we can change—or that I can deliver it. But remember this—I never suggested that change would be easy, or that I could do it alone. Democracy in a nation of 300 million people can be noisy and messy and complicated. And when you try to do big things and make big changes, it stirs passions and controversy. That's just how it is.

Those of us in public office can respond to this reality by playing it safe and avoid telling hard truths and pointing fingers. We can do what's necessary to keep our poll numbers high, and get through the next election instead of doing what's best for the next generation. But I also know this: If people had made that decision 50 years ago, or 100 years ago, or 200 years ago, we wouldn't be here tonight. The only reason we are here is because generations of Americans were unafraid to do what was hard; to do what was needed even when success was uncertain; to do what it took to keep the dream of this nation alive for their children and their grandchildren.

Our administration has had some political setbacks this year, and some of them were deserved. But I wake up every day knowing that they are nothing compared to the setbacks that families all across this country have faced this year. And what keeps me going—what keeps me fighting—is that despite all these setbacks, that spirit of determination and optimism, that fundamental decency that has always been at the core of the American people, that lives on.

It lives on in the struggling small business owner who wrote to me of his company, "None of us," he said, "...are willing to consider, even slightly, that we might fail."

It lives on in the woman who said that even though she and her neighbors have felt the pain of recession, "We are strong. We are resilient. We are American."

It lives on in the 8-year-old boy in Louisiana, who just sent me his allowance and asked if I would give it to the people of Haiti.

And it lives on in all the Americans who've dropped everything to go someplace they've never been and pull people they've never known from the rubble, prompting chants of "U.S.A.! U.S.A.! U.S.A!" when another life was saved.

The spirit that has sustained this nation for more than two centuries lives on in you, its people.

We have finished a difficult year. We have come through a difficult decade. But a new year has come. A new decade stretches before us. We don't quit. I don't quit. Let's seize this moment—to start anew, to carry the dream forward, and to strengthen our union once more.

Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.

議長(zhǎng)女士、副總統(tǒng)拜登、美國(guó)國(guó)會(huì)議員、各位來(lái)賓、美國(guó)同胞：

我國(guó)憲法規(guī)定，總統(tǒng)應(yīng)當(dāng)不時(shí)地向國(guó)會(huì)提供有關(guān)國(guó)情的信息。220年來(lái)，我們的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人一直履行這一職責(zé)。在繁榮與安寧的時(shí)期，他們這樣做了。在戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)和經(jīng)濟(jì)蕭條中，在嚴(yán)重動(dòng)亂和偉大斗爭(zhēng)的時(shí)刻，他們也這樣做了。

一種想法是具有誘惑力的，就是回顧這些時(shí)刻，以為我們的進(jìn)步是不可避免的——以為美國(guó)總是注定要成功。但是，當(dāng)北方聯(lián)邦軍在布爾朗戰(zhàn)役中被擊潰，當(dāng)盟軍第一次在奧馬哈海灘登陸，勝利是有很大疑問(wèn)的。

當(dāng)黑色星期二市場(chǎng)崩潰，當(dāng)血腥的星期日民權(quán)示威者被毆打，前途絕非是確定無(wú)疑的。這些時(shí)候考驗(yàn)了我們的信念與勇氣和我們合眾國(guó)的力量。盡管我們存在著種種分歧與不同意見(jiàn)、猶豫不決和恐懼，但美國(guó)勝利了，因?yàn)槲覀冞x擇了團(tuán)結(jié)一起，作為一個(gè)國(guó)家，作為一國(guó)人民向前邁進(jìn)。

現(xiàn)在，我們?cè)俅谓邮芸简?yàn)。我們必須再次響應(yīng)歷史的召喚。

一年前我就職，當(dāng)時(shí)兩場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)正酣，還有一場(chǎng)嚴(yán)重的經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退，金融體系處于崩潰的邊緣，政府債臺(tái)高筑。來(lái)自各個(gè)政治派別的專家警告說(shuō)，如果我們不采取行動(dòng)，我們可能面臨第二次經(jīng)濟(jì)蕭條。因此，我們立即大刀闊斧地采取了行動(dòng)。一年后，這場(chǎng)風(fēng)暴的最嚴(yán)重階段已經(jīng)過(guò)去了，但破壞仍然存在。十個(gè)美國(guó)人當(dāng)中仍有一個(gè)人無(wú)法找到工作，許多商家關(guān)門，住房?jī)r(jià)值下降，小城鎮(zhèn)和農(nóng)村社區(qū)受到的沖擊尤其嚴(yán)重。而對(duì)于已經(jīng)很貧窮的人們來(lái)說(shuō)，生活變得困難得多。

經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退也加重了美國(guó)的家庭幾十年來(lái)一直承擔(dān)著的負(fù)擔(dān)——更加努力地工作，工作時(shí)間也更長(zhǎng)，但所得卻更少，儲(chǔ)蓄不足以退休或幫助上大學(xué)的子女。所以我知道民間目前存在的憂慮，這種擔(dān)憂并不新鮮。這些問(wèn)題是我競(jìng)選總統(tǒng)的理由，多年來(lái)在印第安納州埃爾德哈特、伊利諾伊州蓋爾斯堡，我目睹了這些困境。我在每天晚上讀到的信件中聽(tīng)到他們的聲音。最難以讀下去的信件是孩子們寫的，他們問(wèn)為什么他們要離開(kāi)自己的家，問(wèn)他們的母親或父親何時(shí)可以重新上班。

對(duì)于這些美國(guó)人和許多其他人來(lái)說(shuō)，已經(jīng)發(fā)生的變革不夠快。一些人感到沮喪，一些人感到憤怒。他們不明白，為什么似乎華爾街上的不良行為得到獎(jiǎng)賞，而商業(yè)大街上的努力卻沒(méi)有，或者為何華盛頓一直無(wú)法或不愿解決我們的任何問(wèn)題，他們對(duì)黨派斗爭(zhēng)、叫喊和卑鄙行為感到厭倦，他們知道我們承擔(dān)不起這種負(fù)擔(dān)，現(xiàn)在不行。

因此，我們面臨著巨大的和棘手的挑戰(zhàn)。美國(guó)人民所希望,也是他們所應(yīng)看到的是我們大家，民主黨人和共和黨人消除分歧，克服我們的政治斗爭(zhēng)所造成的令人麻木的重壓。因?yàn)殡m然把我們選到這里來(lái)的人民具有不同的背景、不同的故事、不同的信仰，但他們面臨的憂慮是相同的。他們持有的愿望是共同的：一份能夠付清賬單的工作,有機(jī)會(huì)獲得成功，最重要的是能夠給子女以更好的生活。

大家知道他們還有哪些共同點(diǎn)嗎?在逆境中，他們共有一種頑強(qiáng)的韌性。在我們歷史上最困難的年份之一過(guò)后，他們?nèi)悦τ谥圃炱嚭徒逃⒆?，?chuàng)辦企業(yè)和回學(xué)校上學(xué)。他們擔(dān)任少年棒球聯(lián)盟的教練，幫助他們的鄰居。一位婦女寫信給我說(shuō)：“我們很緊張但也抱有希望，疲于應(yīng)付但很受鼓舞。”

正是因?yàn)檫@種精神——這種偉大的尊嚴(yán)和巨大的力量，我從來(lái)都沒(méi)有像今晚這樣對(duì)美國(guó)的前途寄予厚望。盡管我們遇到困難，但我們的合眾國(guó)是強(qiáng)大的。我們不放棄，我們不退出。我們不允許恐懼和分裂破壞我們的精神。這個(gè)新的十年，美國(guó)人民應(yīng)當(dāng)獲得符合他們的道德標(biāo)準(zhǔn)和體現(xiàn)出他們的力量的政府。

今晚，我想談?wù)勎覀內(nèi)绾文軌蚬餐瑑冬F(xiàn)這一諾言。

事情得從我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)說(shuō)起。

我們就職后最緊迫的任務(wù)是鞏固銀行的實(shí)力，正是這些銀行導(dǎo)致了這場(chǎng)危機(jī)。這是不容易做到的。如果有一件事使民主黨人和共和黨人，以及這兩者之間的每個(gè)人團(tuán)結(jié)起來(lái)，那就是我們都厭惡銀行救助。我討厭它，我討厭它，大家討厭它。它的受歡迎程度與治療牙疼時(shí)的根管療法差不多。但是，我競(jìng)選總統(tǒng)時(shí)，我答應(yīng)我不會(huì)只是做受歡迎的事情，我會(huì)做必要的事情。如果我們聽(tīng)任金融系統(tǒng)陷于崩潰，失業(yè)率可能會(huì)比今天高一倍。更多的企業(yè)肯定已經(jīng)倒閉，更多人的住宅肯定已經(jīng)失去。

因此，我支持了上屆政府制訂金融救援方案的努力。我們接管這一方案后，使之更加透明和更加負(fù)責(zé)。因此，目前市場(chǎng)穩(wěn)定，我們已經(jīng)收回了花在銀行身上的絕大部分資金。絕大部分，但不是全部。為了收回其余部分，我已經(jīng)提出對(duì)最大的幾家銀行征收一筆費(fèi)用?，F(xiàn)在我知道，華爾街對(duì)這個(gè)想法并不熱衷。但是，如果這些公司能夠再次負(fù)擔(dān)得起支付高額獎(jiǎng)金，他們就可以負(fù)擔(dān)有限的收費(fèi)，以償還納稅人在他們需要時(shí)解救他們所花的錢。

現(xiàn)在，在我們使金融體系趨于穩(wěn)定時(shí)，我們還采取措施，使我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)恢復(fù)增長(zhǎng)，保住盡可能多的就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)，幫助失業(yè)的美國(guó)人。這就是為什么我們向超過(guò)一千八百萬(wàn)的美國(guó)人提供或增加了失業(yè)救濟(jì);對(duì)通過(guò)《統(tǒng)一綜合預(yù)算協(xié)調(diào)法案》獲得醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)的家庭，使其費(fèi)用降低了65%;并通過(guò)了25項(xiàng)不同的減稅措施。

現(xiàn)在，讓我再次重申：我們降低了稅賦。我們降低了95%的勞動(dòng)家庭的稅賦，我們降低了小企業(yè)的稅賦，我們降低了首次購(gòu)房稅，我們降低了照顧子女的父母的稅賦，我們降低了要為上大學(xué)花錢的八百萬(wàn)美國(guó)人的稅賦。

我認(rèn)為我會(huì)為此得到一些掌聲。

因此，千百萬(wàn)美國(guó)人有更多的錢可以用于購(gòu)買汽油、食物和其他生活必需品，所有這些都有助于企業(yè)保留更多的工人。我們并沒(méi)有把任何人的所得稅提高分文，沒(méi)有提高分文。

由于我們采取的措施，大約有二百萬(wàn)目前就業(yè)的美國(guó)人本來(lái)會(huì)失業(yè)。二十萬(wàn)人就業(yè)于建筑業(yè)和清潔能源產(chǎn)業(yè)，三十萬(wàn)人是教師和其他教育工作者，幾十萬(wàn)人是警察、消防隊(duì)員、懲教人員、急救人員。按照預(yù)期，到今年年底，我們將在這一總數(shù)基礎(chǔ)上再增加一百五十萬(wàn)個(gè)就業(yè)崗位。

令這一切——從減稅到增加就業(yè)成為可能的計(jì)劃就是《經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)蘇法案》。沒(méi)錯(cuò)復(fù)蘇法，也被稱為《刺激法案》。左右兩派的經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家都說(shuō)，這項(xiàng)法案幫助挽救了就業(yè)，避免了災(zāi)難。但是，你不必聽(tīng)信他們的話。

與鳳凰城由于《復(fù)興法案》而職工隊(duì)伍將會(huì)擴(kuò)大兩倍的小企業(yè)談一談，與費(fèi)城的窗戶制造商談一談。他說(shuō)，他曾經(jīng)對(duì)《復(fù)興法案》持懷疑態(tài)度，一直到由于該法案所創(chuàng)造的生意，使他不得不增加了兩個(gè)班次的工作。與撫養(yǎng)兩個(gè)孩子的單身教師談一談，學(xué)年的最后一周，她的校長(zhǎng)對(duì)她說(shuō)，由于《復(fù)興法案》她不會(huì)被解雇了。

在全美各地都有這樣的故事。兩年的衰退過(guò)后，經(jīng)濟(jì)再次出現(xiàn)增長(zhǎng)。養(yǎng)老金基金已經(jīng)開(kāi)始恢復(fù)部分的價(jià)值，工商企業(yè)正在開(kāi)始恢復(fù)投資，一些企業(yè)正在緩慢地開(kāi)始重新雇工。

但是，我意識(shí)到對(duì)于每一個(gè)成功事例來(lái)說(shuō)，還有幾個(gè)事例說(shuō)的是男男女女一覺(jué)醒來(lái)，痛苦地不知道自己下一次將會(huì)從哪里領(lǐng)工資，一周又一周地發(fā)送簡(jiǎn)歷，卻沒(méi)有聽(tīng)到任何答復(fù)。這就是為什么2010年我們的頭號(hào)工作重點(diǎn)必須是就業(yè)，這也是為什么我今晚呼吁通過(guò)一項(xiàng)新的就業(yè)法案。

現(xiàn)在，美國(guó)創(chuàng)造就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)的真正動(dòng)力源泉將始終都是美國(guó)的企業(yè)。但是，政府能夠創(chuàng)造企業(yè)拓展業(yè)務(wù)和雇傭更多工人所必需的條件。

我們應(yīng)當(dāng)從大多數(shù)新的就業(yè)崗位開(kāi)始的地方開(kāi)始——在小企業(yè)中，這些公司的創(chuàng)業(yè)之初，企業(yè)家抱著一種夢(mèng)想碰運(yùn)氣，或者一名職工決定現(xiàn)在是自己當(dāng)自己的老板的時(shí)候了。憑著純粹的勇氣和決心，這些公司經(jīng)受住了這場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退，現(xiàn)在準(zhǔn)備實(shí)現(xiàn)增長(zhǎng)。但是，當(dāng)你與賓夕法尼亞州阿倫敦或者俄亥俄州伊利里亞等地的小企業(yè)主交談時(shí)，你會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)盡管華爾街上的銀行重新開(kāi)始放貸，但他們主要是向比較大的公司放貸。對(duì)全國(guó)各地的小企業(yè)主甚至盈利的小區(qū)業(yè)主來(lái)說(shuō)，融資依然困難。

因此，今晚我建議我們從華爾街已經(jīng)償還的錢里面拿出300億美元，用于幫助社區(qū)銀行為小企業(yè)提供它們持續(xù)經(jīng)營(yíng)所需的信貸。我還建議實(shí)行一項(xiàng)新的小企業(yè)稅收優(yōu)惠，這項(xiàng)優(yōu)惠將提供給雇傭新職工或者提高工資的小企業(yè)，這些企業(yè)超過(guò)一百萬(wàn)家。在進(jìn)行這項(xiàng)工作的同時(shí)，我們還要取消對(duì)小企業(yè)投資征收的所有資本利得稅，并為所有大企業(yè)和所有小企業(yè)提供一項(xiàng)稅收鼓勵(lì)措施，促使其投資于開(kāi)辦新的工廠和采購(gòu)新的設(shè)備。

其次，我們今天還可以讓美國(guó)人在修建基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施方面找到工作。從最初的鐵路到州際高速公路系統(tǒng)，我們的國(guó)家一直是為了在競(jìng)爭(zhēng)中獲勝而進(jìn)行建設(shè)的。沒(méi)有任何理由只有歐洲或者中國(guó)應(yīng)當(dāng)擁有最快的列車，或者制造清潔能源產(chǎn)品的新工廠。

明天我將訪問(wèn)佛羅里達(dá)州的坦帕市。那里的工人很快就會(huì)破土動(dòng)工，修筑《經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)蘇法案》提供資助的一條新的高速鐵路。全國(guó)各地都有類似的項(xiàng)目。這些項(xiàng)目將創(chuàng)造就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)，幫助運(yùn)輸和傳遞我國(guó)的商品、勞務(wù)與信息。

我們應(yīng)當(dāng)讓更多的美國(guó)人在修建清潔能源設(shè)施方面找到工作，并向提高自己的住宅的能源效率的美國(guó)人提供退稅，因?yàn)檫@支撐著清潔能源領(lǐng)域中的就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)。為了鼓勵(lì)這些企業(yè)以及其他企業(yè)留在我國(guó)境內(nèi)，現(xiàn)在要向把我們的就業(yè)崗位轉(zhuǎn)移到海外的公司提供稅收減免，把這種減免提供給在美國(guó)境內(nèi)創(chuàng)造就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)的公司。

現(xiàn)在，眾議院已經(jīng)通過(guò)了一項(xiàng)就業(yè)法案，其中包括了這些措施當(dāng)中的一些。作為今年要辦的頭一件事，我敦促參議院也這樣做。我知道他們會(huì)這樣做的，他們會(huì)的。人們失去了工作，他們?nèi)淌苤鴤?，他們需要我們的幫助。我希望盡快地獲得一項(xiàng)有關(guān)就業(yè)的提案。

但事情的真相是，這些舉措不會(huì)彌補(bǔ)我們最近兩年來(lái)所失去的700萬(wàn)個(gè)就業(yè)崗位。實(shí)現(xiàn)充分就業(yè)的唯一途徑就是為經(jīng)濟(jì)的長(zhǎng)期增長(zhǎng)奠定新的基礎(chǔ)，最終解決美國(guó)的家庭多年來(lái)所面臨的問(wèn)題。我們無(wú)法承受代價(jià)，迎接像最近十年來(lái)那樣的一場(chǎng)新的所謂的經(jīng)濟(jì)“擴(kuò)展”，一些人稱之為“損失的十年”。在此期間，就業(yè)崗位的增加速度要比任何從前的經(jīng)濟(jì)擴(kuò)展期間都緩慢，美國(guó)家庭的平均收入下降，醫(yī)療保健費(fèi)用和學(xué)費(fèi)達(dá)到了創(chuàng)紀(jì)錄的高點(diǎn)，經(jīng)濟(jì)繁榮建立在一場(chǎng)住房建筑泡沫與金融投機(jī)基礎(chǔ)上。

從我就職那天起我就被告知，應(yīng)付我們的重大挑戰(zhàn)過(guò)于雄心勃勃，這種努力會(huì)引起太大的爭(zhēng)議。我一直被告知，我們的政治制度陷入僵局，因此我們應(yīng)當(dāng)暫時(shí)把問(wèn)題擱置起來(lái)。對(duì)做出這種論斷的人們，我有一個(gè)簡(jiǎn)單的問(wèn)題：我們應(yīng)當(dāng)?shù)却嗑?美國(guó)應(yīng)當(dāng)把自己的前途擱置多久?

大家知道，華盛頓幾十年來(lái)一直要求我們等待，盡管問(wèn)題日益惡化。與此同時(shí)，中國(guó)并沒(méi)有為重振經(jīng)濟(jì)而等待，德國(guó)沒(méi)有等待，印度沒(méi)有等待。這些國(guó)家都沒(méi)有停滯不前。這些國(guó)家沒(méi)有爭(zhēng)當(dāng)?shù)诙?，他們更加重視?shù)學(xué)與科學(xué)。他們翻修了基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施，他們?cè)谇鍧嵞茉捶矫孢M(jìn)行了重大投資，因?yàn)樗麄兿胍@得這些就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)。

好了，我不接受美國(guó)淪為第二名。

盡管工作可能會(huì)很棘手，辯論可能會(huì)令人不快和有爭(zhēng)議，但現(xiàn)在是采取認(rèn)真的態(tài)度，解決阻礙我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)的種種問(wèn)題的時(shí)候了。

一個(gè)起步的地方就是實(shí)行重大的金融改革。我對(duì)懲罰銀行不感興趣，我感興趣的是保護(hù)我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)。一個(gè)強(qiáng)有力的、健康的金融市場(chǎng)可以使企業(yè)獲得信貸和創(chuàng)造新的就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)。它引導(dǎo)家庭的儲(chǔ)蓄成為提高收入的投資項(xiàng)目。但是，只有在我們對(duì)幾乎使我們的整個(gè)經(jīng)濟(jì)陷于崩潰的那種魯莽加以防范的情況下，這一目標(biāo)才能達(dá)到。

我們需要確保消費(fèi)者和中產(chǎn)階級(jí)家庭掌握他們做出理財(cái)決策所需的信息。我們不能任憑金融機(jī)構(gòu)，包括接受大家的存款的機(jī)構(gòu)承擔(dān)威脅到經(jīng)濟(jì)整體的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)。

眾議院已經(jīng)通過(guò)了包括許多這方面的變革在內(nèi)的金融改革。游說(shuō)分子正在千方百計(jì)地扼殺這項(xiàng)改革，但是我們不能讓他們贏得這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)斗。如果最終提交給我的這項(xiàng)法案經(jīng)受不住真正改革的考驗(yàn)，我將把它駁回，直到我們把工作做好。我們必須把工作做好。

其次，我們還需要鼓勵(lì)美國(guó)的創(chuàng)新。去年，我們進(jìn)行了基礎(chǔ)研究撥款方面有史以來(lái)最大規(guī)模的投資，這項(xiàng)投資可能會(huì)帶來(lái)世界上最廉價(jià)的太陽(yáng)能電池，或者殺死癌細(xì)胞但卻使健康細(xì)胞完好無(wú)損的療法。在這種創(chuàng)新方面最成熟的領(lǐng)域非能源領(lǐng)域莫屬。大家可以看到，去年在清潔能源方面投資所取得的成果將體現(xiàn)在給全國(guó)范圍創(chuàng)造一千兩百個(gè)就業(yè)崗位，從而幫助制造先進(jìn)的蓄電池的一家北卡羅來(lái)納公司，或者將使一千人在制造太陽(yáng)能電池板方面找到工作的一家加利福尼亞企業(yè)之中。

但是，為了創(chuàng)造更多的這種清潔能源就業(yè)崗位，我們需要增加產(chǎn)量，提高效率，提供更多的鼓勵(lì)措施。這意味著要在美國(guó)建設(shè)新一代安全、潔凈的核電廠。這意味著要就開(kāi)辟用于開(kāi)采石油和天然氣的新的近海海域問(wèn)題做出棘手的決策。這意味著要繼續(xù)在先進(jìn)的生物燃料和清潔煤技術(shù)方面投資。是的，這還意味著要通過(guò)一項(xiàng)全面的能源和氣候法案，包括最終會(huì)使清潔能源在美國(guó)成為有利可圖的能源的鼓勵(lì)措施。

我很感激眾議院去年通過(guò)了這樣一項(xiàng)法案。今年，我熱切希望幫助參議院推進(jìn)兩黨一致的這項(xiàng)努力。

我知道，在我們能否在經(jīng)濟(jì)困難下實(shí)施這種改革一直存在著爭(zhēng)議。我知道，有一些人不同意在氣候變化問(wèn)題上的占?jí)旱箖?yōu)勢(shì)的科學(xué)證據(jù)。但這一點(diǎn)很重要——即使你懷疑這些證據(jù)，我們今后應(yīng)當(dāng)做的事情也是為提高能源效率和提供清潔能源提供鼓勵(lì)措施，因?yàn)轭I(lǐng)導(dǎo)著清潔能源經(jīng)濟(jì)的國(guó)家將是領(lǐng)導(dǎo)全球經(jīng)濟(jì)的國(guó)家。美國(guó)必須成為這個(gè)國(guó)家。

第三，我們需要出口更多的商品。因?yàn)槲覀冎圃斓暮拖騽e國(guó)出售的產(chǎn)品越多，我們?cè)诿绹?guó)國(guó)內(nèi)支撐的就業(yè)崗位也就越多。因此今晚，我們確定一個(gè)新的目標(biāo)：我們將在今后五年內(nèi)使出口翻一番。這一增長(zhǎng)將會(huì)支持美國(guó)境內(nèi)的二百萬(wàn)個(gè)就業(yè)崗位。為了幫助實(shí)現(xiàn)這一目標(biāo)，我們即將啟動(dòng)一項(xiàng)全國(guó)范圍的出口計(jì)劃。這項(xiàng)計(jì)劃將幫助農(nóng)場(chǎng)主和小企業(yè)增加出口，并改革出口管制措施，使之與國(guó)家安全相符。

我們必須像競(jìng)爭(zhēng)對(duì)手一樣，大力謀求獲得新的市場(chǎng)。如果在別國(guó)簽訂貿(mào)易協(xié)議的時(shí)候美國(guó)袖手旁觀，我們就會(huì)失去在本國(guó)國(guó)內(nèi)創(chuàng)造就業(yè)崗位的機(jī)會(huì)。但是，實(shí)現(xiàn)這些利益也意味著要加強(qiáng)這些協(xié)議，以便我們的貿(mào)易伙伴按照規(guī)則行事。這就是為什么，我們將繼續(xù)影響簽訂一項(xiàng)開(kāi)辟全球市場(chǎng)的多哈回合貿(mào)易協(xié)定。這也是為什么，我們將加強(qiáng)我們?cè)趤喼薜馁Q(mào)易關(guān)系以及同韓國(guó)、巴拿馬和哥倫比亞等重要的伙伴國(guó)之間的貿(mào)易關(guān)系。

第四，我們需要在我國(guó)人民的技能和教育方面投資。今年，我們啟動(dòng)了一場(chǎng)全國(guó)性的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)，以改善我們的學(xué)校，從而打破了左右兩派之間的僵局。這里的想法很簡(jiǎn)單：我們不是獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)失敗，而是只獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)成功。我們不是為維持現(xiàn)狀撥款，而是只投資于改革——這種改革使得學(xué)生的學(xué)習(xí)成績(jī)提高，激勵(lì)學(xué)生們?cè)跀?shù)學(xué)與科學(xué)方面取得出類拔萃的成績(jī)。使失敗的、毀掉過(guò)多的年輕美國(guó)人前途的學(xué)校發(fā)生轉(zhuǎn)變，這種情況從農(nóng)村社區(qū)到市中心地帶都有。在二十一世紀(jì)，最出色的消除貧困計(jì)劃就是提供世界級(jí)的教育。在美國(guó)，孩子們能否成功不應(yīng)取決于他們住在哪里，而應(yīng)是他們的潛力。

當(dāng)我們修訂《小學(xué)和中學(xué)教育法》的時(shí)候，我們將與國(guó)會(huì)共同努力，以便把這些改革擴(kuò)展到所有五十個(gè)州。盡管如此，在美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)中，高中文憑不再能夠保障獲得一份好工作。這就是為什么，我敦促參議院像議眾院一樣，通過(guò)一項(xiàng)法案，重振我們的社區(qū)學(xué)院，因?yàn)檫@些學(xué)院為如此多的勞動(dòng)家庭的孩子們提供了就業(yè)渠道。

為了使人們更加能夠上得起大學(xué)，這項(xiàng)法案最終將取消對(duì)納稅人提供的使之到銀行領(lǐng)取學(xué)生貸款的毫無(wú)保障的補(bǔ)貼。我們而是要把這筆錢拿來(lái)，向家庭提供1萬(wàn)美元的稅收優(yōu)惠，以便完成四年的大學(xué)學(xué)業(yè)和增加佩爾助學(xué)金。我們要再讓一百萬(wàn)名學(xué)生在畢業(yè)時(shí)知道，他們只需支付自己收入的10%用于償還學(xué)生貸款，他們的全部債務(wù)都將在二十年以后一筆勾銷，而如果他們選擇在政府就業(yè)，就會(huì)在十年后一筆勾銷。因?yàn)樵诿绹?guó)，沒(méi)有人應(yīng)當(dāng)由于選擇上大學(xué)而變得一貧如洗。順便提一下，現(xiàn)在是高等院校認(rèn)真考慮降低自己費(fèi)用的時(shí)候了，因?yàn)樗麄円灿胸?zé)任幫助解決這一問(wèn)題。

大學(xué)學(xué)費(fèi)的要價(jià)問(wèn)題僅僅是擺在中產(chǎn)階級(jí)面前的負(fù)擔(dān)之一。這就是為什么，我去年請(qǐng)求副總統(tǒng)拜登領(lǐng)導(dǎo)一個(gè)有關(guān)中產(chǎn)階級(jí)家庭問(wèn)題的專門委員會(huì)。這就是為什么，我們使有關(guān)兒童護(hù)理的稅收優(yōu)惠幾乎翻一番，并向每個(gè)工人提供開(kāi)設(shè)退休賬戶的機(jī)會(huì)，并增加對(duì)開(kāi)始攢錢的人們的稅收優(yōu)惠，從而使人們更加容易進(jìn)行儲(chǔ)蓄，以便為退休生活做好準(zhǔn)備。這就是為什么，我們正在努力提升家庭最大的一項(xiàng)投資，即住宅的價(jià)值。我們?nèi)ツ瓴扇〉撵柟虡鞘械呐e措使千百萬(wàn)美國(guó)人得以獲得新的貸款，并在抵押貸款償還方面平均節(jié)省1500美元。今年，我們將加緊再融資，以使房主們能夠獲得具有更大償還能力的抵押貸款。

恰恰是為了緩解中產(chǎn)階級(jí)家庭的負(fù)擔(dān)，我們才仍然需要實(shí)行醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)方面的改革。是的，我們就是如此?，F(xiàn)在，我們要澄清一些事情。我之所以選擇解決這一問(wèn)題，并不是為了在立法方面穩(wěn)操勝券。到目前為止應(yīng)當(dāng)很清楚的一點(diǎn)是，我之所以承擔(dān)起解決醫(yī)療保健問(wèn)題的職責(zé)，并不是因?yàn)檫@在政治上很有利。我承擔(dān)起這一職責(zé)是因?yàn)槲覐囊恍┟绹?guó)人那里聽(tīng)到了一些故事，講的是他們?cè)谏暾?qǐng)醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)以前存在病情，而其生命取決于獲得保險(xiǎn)。我還聽(tīng)到一些被剝奪了保險(xiǎn)的患者，只要得一次病就會(huì)窮困潦倒的故事，甚至具有保險(xiǎn)的家庭也會(huì)因一場(chǎng)疾病破產(chǎn)的故事。

在進(jìn)行了將近一個(gè)世紀(jì)的嘗試之后——民主黨與共和黨的歷屆政府——我們比以往任何時(shí)候都更加接近于給如此多的美國(guó)人的生活帶來(lái)更大的安全保障。我們所采取的策略將使每個(gè)美國(guó)人都獲得保護(hù)，免遭保險(xiǎn)業(yè)最惡劣的做法的侵害。它還會(huì)使小企業(yè)和沒(méi)有保險(xiǎn)的美國(guó)人獲得機(jī)會(huì)，以便在競(jìng)爭(zhēng)激烈的市場(chǎng)上選擇自己支付得起的醫(yī)療保健計(jì)劃。它還要求每項(xiàng)保險(xiǎn)計(jì)劃都為預(yù)防性醫(yī)療提供保險(xiǎn)。

順便提一下，我還希望向我們的第一夫人米歇爾奧巴馬致謝。她今年即將創(chuàng)立一項(xiàng)全國(guó)性運(yùn)動(dòng)，以解決兒童肥胖病流行的問(wèn)題，使兒童更加健康。

我們的做法將維護(hù)擁有保險(xiǎn)的美國(guó)人接受治療和保留醫(yī)療計(jì)劃的權(quán)利。它將為數(shù)以百萬(wàn)計(jì)的家庭和公司減少費(fèi)用和保險(xiǎn)費(fèi)。根據(jù)國(guó)會(huì)預(yù)算局——一個(gè)中立機(jī)構(gòu)，兩黨都認(rèn)為它是國(guó)會(huì)工作表現(xiàn)的官方記錄者——的數(shù)字，我們的做法將使預(yù)算赤字在今后二十年里最多減少1萬(wàn)億美元。

盡管如此，這仍是一個(gè)復(fù)雜的問(wèn)題，對(duì)此辯論的時(shí)間越長(zhǎng)，人們的懷疑就會(huì)越多。沒(méi)有更加清楚地向美國(guó)人民解釋，我要承擔(dān)一部分責(zé)任。我知道，因?yàn)楦鞣N游說(shuō)和討價(jià)還價(jià)，這個(gè)過(guò)程讓大多數(shù)美國(guó)人擔(dān)心該計(jì)劃最后還能給美國(guó)人帶來(lái)什么。

但我還知道，這個(gè)問(wèn)題并沒(méi)有消失。到今晚我結(jié)束演講的時(shí)候，將有更多美國(guó)人失去醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)，今年會(huì)有數(shù)以百萬(wàn)計(jì)的美國(guó)人失去醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)。我們的赤字會(huì)增加，保險(xiǎn)費(fèi)會(huì)上升。病人將得不到需要的醫(yī)療，小企業(yè)主將繼續(xù)完全放棄醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)。我不會(huì)拋開(kāi)這些美國(guó)人，在座的各位也不應(yīng)拋棄這些美國(guó)人。

隨著激烈情緒漸漸平息，我希望每個(gè)人重新考慮我們提出的計(jì)劃。許多最了解我們體系的醫(yī)生、護(hù)士和醫(yī)療問(wèn)題專家都認(rèn)為，這些措施將極大地改善現(xiàn)狀，這是有原因的。但是不管哪個(gè)政黨的什么人有更好的方案，能降低保險(xiǎn)費(fèi)、減少赤字、覆蓋未投保者、加強(qiáng)老年人的醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)、并制止保險(xiǎn)公司的不良做法，請(qǐng)告訴我。

不過(guò)，我要求國(guó)會(huì)做到下面這一點(diǎn)：不要回避改革?，F(xiàn)在不能，因?yàn)槲覀円呀?jīng)接近完成這項(xiàng)工作。讓我們想辦法共同努力，為美國(guó)人完成這項(xiàng)工作。

雖然醫(yī)療改革可以削減赤字，但還不足以使我們擺脫我們陷入的嚴(yán)重的財(cái)政困境。這個(gè)難題使其他所有難題的解決更加困難，也受到很多政治因素的影響。

下面讓我討論一下政府開(kāi)支，首先我要澄清事實(shí)。在上個(gè)十年開(kāi)始時(shí)，美國(guó)有超過(guò)2000億美元預(yù)算盈余。等到我就職的時(shí)候，我們每年的赤字超過(guò)1萬(wàn)億美元，估計(jì)下一個(gè)十年的赤字將達(dá)到8萬(wàn)億美元。主要原因是沒(méi)有為兩場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)、兩次減稅和昂貴的處方藥計(jì)劃支付費(fèi)用。此外，這次衰退使我們的預(yù)算增加了3萬(wàn)億美元的漏洞。這就是我來(lái)之前的情況。

如果是在平常時(shí)期就職，我最想做的就是削減赤字。但我們是在危機(jī)時(shí)期就職的，我們阻止第二次大蕭條的行動(dòng)又使我們的國(guó)債增加了1萬(wàn)億美元。我完全相信這樣做是正確的，但全國(guó)各地的家庭都在勒緊褲帶，做出艱難的選擇，聯(lián)邦政府也應(yīng)該這樣。所以今晚，我將提出具體步驟來(lái)支付去年用以救助經(jīng)濟(jì)的1萬(wàn)億美元。

從2011年開(kāi)始，我們準(zhǔn)備凍結(jié)政府開(kāi)支三年。與我們的國(guó)家安全、老年醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)、醫(yī)療補(bǔ)助和社會(huì)保險(xiǎn)相關(guān)的開(kāi)支不會(huì)受影響。但是其他所有可自由決定的政府計(jì)劃都會(huì)受到影響。像所有現(xiàn)金不夠的家庭一樣，我們將把預(yù)算控制在需要的范圍內(nèi)，放棄不需要的。如果不得不通過(guò)否決權(quán)實(shí)施這項(xiàng)制度，我會(huì)這樣做。我們將繼續(xù)逐條審查預(yù)算案，取消負(fù)擔(dān)不起和沒(méi)有用的計(jì)劃，我們已經(jīng)為明年節(jié)省了200億美元。為幫助工薪家庭，我們將延長(zhǎng)中產(chǎn)階級(jí)稅收優(yōu)惠。但是在赤字達(dá)到最高點(diǎn)的時(shí)候，我們不會(huì)繼續(xù)對(duì)石油公司、投資基金經(jīng)理和年薪超過(guò)25萬(wàn)的人減稅。我們承擔(dān)不起。

現(xiàn)在，即便在支付了我任期內(nèi)的開(kāi)支以后，我們?nèi)詫⒚鎸?duì)在我就職時(shí)就已經(jīng)存在的大量赤字。更重要的是，老年醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)、醫(yī)療補(bǔ)助和社會(huì)保險(xiǎn)的費(fèi)用將繼續(xù)大幅上升。因此，我呼吁按照共和黨人賈德格雷格和民主黨人肯特康拉德的提議，設(shè)立一個(gè)由兩黨成員組成的財(cái)政委員會(huì)。這不可能是讓我們假裝已經(jīng)解決了問(wèn)題的華盛頓的花招之一。這個(gè)委員會(huì)必須在一定的期限之前提出一套具體的解決辦法。

昨天，參議院阻撓了設(shè)立該委員會(huì)的議案。因此我將發(fā)布行政命令，使我們能繼續(xù)向前推進(jìn)，因?yàn)槲也辉赴堰@個(gè)問(wèn)題留給下一代美國(guó)人。明天表決的時(shí)候，參議院應(yīng)該恢復(fù)所得稅預(yù)扣法，這是我們上世紀(jì)九十年代實(shí)現(xiàn)創(chuàng)紀(jì)錄盈余的主要原因。

我知道，民主黨的一些人會(huì)認(rèn)為，在那么多人還在受苦的時(shí)候，我們不能解決赤字問(wèn)題或凍結(jié)政府開(kāi)支。我同意這一點(diǎn)，正因如此，我們將等到明年經(jīng)濟(jì)好轉(zhuǎn)以后才實(shí)施凍結(jié)。但是要懂得這一點(diǎn)——如果我們不采取有目的的步驟控制債務(wù)，就可能損害我們的市場(chǎng)、增加借款成本并危害經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)蘇——所有這些都會(huì)對(duì)就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)的增加和家庭收入產(chǎn)生更壞的影響。

我估計(jì)一些右翼人士會(huì)有不同的觀點(diǎn)，認(rèn)為如果我們減少對(duì)人民的投資、延長(zhǎng)對(duì)美國(guó)富人的減稅措施、取消更多規(guī)定、保持醫(yī)療現(xiàn)狀，我們的赤字就會(huì)消失。問(wèn)題在于八年來(lái)我們都是這樣做的，正是這種做法導(dǎo)致了這場(chǎng)危機(jī)，引起了這么多赤字。我們不能再這么做了。我們不應(yīng)再繼續(xù)充斥了華盛頓幾十年的陳腐的戰(zhàn)斗，現(xiàn)在是作出新嘗試的時(shí)候了。讓我們投資于我們的人民，不要留給他們一大堆債務(wù)。讓我們承擔(dān)起對(duì)投票支持我們的民眾應(yīng)該承擔(dān)的責(zé)任。讓我們嘗試判斷力。

為此，我們必須認(rèn)識(shí)到我們面對(duì)的不只是赤字問(wèn)題。我們面臨的還有信任不足——多年來(lái)，對(duì)于華盛頓如何運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn)，深切而有害的懷疑不斷增加。要重建信任我們必須在賓夕法尼亞大道的兩端采取行動(dòng)，結(jié)束院外活動(dòng)集團(tuán)成員的過(guò)多影響，公開(kāi)政務(wù)，給予人民他們應(yīng)該擁有的政府。

我來(lái)到華盛頓就是為了做到這一點(diǎn)。正因如此，政府有史以來(lái)第一次在網(wǎng)上公布白宮的參觀者。正因如此，我們把院外活動(dòng)集團(tuán)成員排除在決策工作或各種聯(lián)邦委員會(huì)之外。但我們不能就此止步?，F(xiàn)在應(yīng)該要求院外活動(dòng)集團(tuán)成員公開(kāi)他們?yōu)榱丝蛻襞c政府或國(guó)會(huì)的所有接觸，應(yīng)該嚴(yán)格限制這些成員向聯(lián)邦職務(wù)的候選人提供的捐款。

上周，最高法院廢除了一項(xiàng)有百年歷史的法律，為特殊利益集團(tuán)包括外國(guó)公司不受限制地在我們的選舉中花錢打開(kāi)了閘門。我認(rèn)為美國(guó)的選舉不應(yīng)由美國(guó)最強(qiáng)大的利益集團(tuán)甚至是外國(guó)實(shí)體提供資金。它們應(yīng)該由美國(guó)人民決定，這就是我敦促民主黨人和共和黨人通過(guò)一項(xiàng)議案來(lái)糾正這種錯(cuò)誤的原因。

我還要求國(guó)會(huì)繼續(xù)沿著“指定款項(xiàng)改革”的道路走下去。你們已經(jīng)削減了部分開(kāi)支，接受了一些有意義的改革。但是恢復(fù)公眾的信任需要做更多，例如，一些議員要在網(wǎng)上公布部分指定款項(xiàng)要求。今晚，我呼吁國(guó)會(huì)設(shè)立單獨(dú)的網(wǎng)站，在投票前公布所有指定款項(xiàng)要求，以便所有美國(guó)人都能看到他們的錢用在了哪里。

當(dāng)然，如果我們不改變兩黨之間工作的方式，這些改革就無(wú)法實(shí)現(xiàn)。

我并不天真。我從未想過(guò)我當(dāng)選的事實(shí)能帶來(lái)和平、和諧，開(kāi)創(chuàng)某種后黨派時(shí)代。我知道，兩黨存在分歧，這種分歧是根深蒂固的。在一些問(wèn)題上，理念上的分歧將使我們始終選擇不同的道路。關(guān)于政府在我們生活中的作用、關(guān)于我們國(guó)家的優(yōu)先事宜和我們的國(guó)家安全，這些分歧已經(jīng)存在了兩百多年。這是我們民主的本質(zhì)。

但是讓美國(guó)人民失望的是，如今在華盛頓似乎每天都是選舉日。我們不能永久地置身于競(jìng)選運(yùn)動(dòng)中，唯一的目的就是讓對(duì)手成為媒體最難堪的嘲弄的對(duì)象——抱著一種決出勝負(fù)的心態(tài)。任何一個(gè)政黨都不應(yīng)因?yàn)橛心芰屯涎踊蜃钃先魏我豁?xiàng)議案。合格公職人員的批準(zhǔn)程序，不應(yīng)被幾名心懷不滿的參議員為了自己偏愛(ài)的計(jì)劃而當(dāng)作要挾的條件。

在華盛頓人們也許認(rèn)為，發(fā)表關(guān)于對(duì)方的任何評(píng)論，不管多么不正確，都只是游戲規(guī)則的一部分。但恰恰是這種政治狀況使得兩黨都不能幫助美國(guó)人民，更糟糕的是它使我們民眾產(chǎn)生更大分歧，并進(jìn)一步加劇了民眾對(duì)政府的不信任。所以，我不會(huì)停止改變我們的政治調(diào)子。我知道這是選舉年。在上周以后，競(jìng)選熱顯然已經(jīng)開(kāi)始，比以往還早。但我們?nèi)匀恍枰卫韲?guó)家。

我要提醒民主黨人，我們?nèi)匀徽紦?jù)幾十年來(lái)最大的多數(shù)，美國(guó)人民期待我們解決一些問(wèn)題，而不是選擇逃避。如果共和黨領(lǐng)導(dǎo)層堅(jiān)持說(shuō)，做什么事情都需要在參議院得到60票，那么治理國(guó)家的責(zé)任也是你們的。否決一切從短期政治來(lái)看也許是好的，但這不是領(lǐng)導(dǎo)。我們來(lái)到這里是為了服務(wù)于人民，而不是滿足自己的野心。所以，讓我們向美國(guó)人民證明，我們可以共同努力。本周，我將在眾議院共和黨的會(huì)議上發(fā)表講話。我希望開(kāi)始與兩黨領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人舉行月度會(huì)議。我知道你們不能等待。

縱觀歷史，最能讓這個(gè)國(guó)家團(tuán)結(jié)一致的莫過(guò)于安全問(wèn)題。令人遺憾的是，在“9·11”事件以后出現(xiàn)的緊密團(tuán)結(jié)已經(jīng)逐漸消退。我們盡可以爭(zhēng)論是誰(shuí)的責(zé)任，但我不想糾纏于過(guò)去。我知道我們大家都熱愛(ài)這個(gè)國(guó)家，我們都致力于保衛(wèi)這個(gè)國(guó)家。所以，讓我們停止互相嘲弄，不要在保護(hù)人民還是捍衛(wèi)價(jià)值觀之間作出錯(cuò)誤的選擇。讓我們拋開(kāi)恐懼和分歧，盡全力保衛(wèi)我們的國(guó)家，開(kāi)創(chuàng)更有希望的未來(lái)——為了美國(guó)也為了世界。

我們從去年就開(kāi)始了這項(xiàng)工作。自從就職以來(lái)，我們重新開(kāi)始關(guān)注威脅我們國(guó)家的恐怖分子。我們?cè)趪?guó)土安全方面投入了大量資金，瓦解了有可能奪走美國(guó)人生命的陰謀。我們正通過(guò)加強(qiáng)航班安全、加快情報(bào)工作的速度，來(lái)彌補(bǔ)圣誕未遂襲擊事件暴露的不可接受的漏洞。我們已禁止酷刑，加強(qiáng)了與太平洋、南亞到阿拉伯半島國(guó)家的伙伴關(guān)系。去年，成百上千名“基地”組織和分支機(jī)構(gòu)成員包括許多高級(jí)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人被抓獲或消滅，比2008年多得多。

我們正向阿富汗增派兵力，訓(xùn)練阿富汗安全部隊(duì)，使他們從2011年7月開(kāi)始起帶頭作用，我們的軍隊(duì)可以開(kāi)始回國(guó)。我們將獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)良好統(tǒng)治，打擊腐敗，支持所有阿富汗人——男性和女性的權(quán)益。我們的同盟和伙伴也加入了行動(dòng)，他們已經(jīng)各自加大承諾力度，并且明天將在倫敦召開(kāi)會(huì)議重申我們的共同目標(biāo)。今后還會(huì)有艱難的時(shí)刻，但我確信我們會(huì)成功。

我們還在抗擊“基地”組織，同時(shí)我們正在負(fù)責(zé)地將伊拉克交還給他的人民。當(dāng)我競(jìng)選總統(tǒng)時(shí)，我承諾我會(huì)結(jié)束這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，而這也是我身為總統(tǒng)正在做的。我們將會(huì)在今年8月底之前讓所有的作戰(zhàn)部隊(duì)撤離伊拉克。我們將支持伊拉克政府舉行選舉，也將繼續(xù)與伊拉克人民共同推動(dòng)地區(qū)和平與繁榮。但不要懷疑：這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)正在結(jié)束，我們的所有部隊(duì)都要回家了。

今晚，我們所有穿著制服的軍人，無(wú)論男女，無(wú)論他們身處伊拉克、阿富汗還是世界的其他地方都必須知道，我們尊敬、感謝并且全力支持他們。正如他們?cè)趹?zhàn)場(chǎng)上必須擁有足夠的資源，我們有責(zé)任在他們回國(guó)后也給予他們支持。這就是為何我們加大了對(duì)退伍軍人的投入，增長(zhǎng)幅度是近幾十年來(lái)最大的。這就是為何我們正在建設(shè)二十一世紀(jì)的退伍軍人事務(wù)部。這就是為何米歇爾與吉爾拜登正在共同推動(dòng)一項(xiàng)支持軍人家庭的全國(guó)行動(dòng)。

就在我們從事兩場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的同時(shí)，我們也面臨著或許是對(duì)美國(guó)人民最大的威脅——核武器的威脅。我贊同約翰·F·肯尼迪和羅納德·里根的遠(yuǎn)見(jiàn)，實(shí)施逆轉(zhuǎn)這些武器擴(kuò)散的戰(zhàn)略，追求一個(gè)沒(méi)有核武器的世界。為了削減我們核武器儲(chǔ)備和發(fā)射裝置，同時(shí)確保我們的威懾能力，美國(guó)和俄羅斯就一項(xiàng)近二十年來(lái)影響最深遠(yuǎn)的武器控制條約的談判即將完成。在今年4月舉行的核安全峰會(huì)上，我們將把44個(gè)國(guó)家聚集在一個(gè)清晰的目標(biāo)下：在四年內(nèi)確保全世界所有安全措施薄弱的核物質(zhì)的安全，讓它們永不落入恐怖分子之手。

這些外交努力還使我們能更有力地應(yīng)對(duì)那些違反國(guó)際條約、執(zhí)意發(fā)展核武器的國(guó)家。這就是為何朝鮮目前進(jìn)一步受到孤立，并面臨更嚴(yán)厲的制裁——制裁的執(zhí)行力度很大。這就是為何國(guó)際社會(huì)更加團(tuán)結(jié)。

這就是我們所貢獻(xiàn)的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力——通過(guò)各種接觸推進(jìn)所有民族的安全和繁榮。我們通過(guò)二十國(guó)集團(tuán)保證全球復(fù)蘇的持久性。我們與全球各地的穆斯林社會(huì)合作，推動(dòng)科學(xué)、教育和創(chuàng)新。在抗擊氣候變化上，我們已從旁觀者變?yōu)轭I(lǐng)導(dǎo)者。我們正在幫助發(fā)展中國(guó)家自給自足地養(yǎng)活人民，并繼續(xù)從事艾滋病的防治。我們正在開(kāi)展一項(xiàng)新的計(jì)劃，使我們有能力更迅速、更有效地應(yīng)對(duì)生物恐怖主義或傳染性疾病。這一計(jì)劃有助于應(yīng)對(duì)國(guó)內(nèi)威脅、加強(qiáng)全球公共衛(wèi)生。

正如我們六十年來(lái)一直所做的，美國(guó)這么做是因?yàn)槲覀兊拿\(yùn)與我們國(guó)家之外的人們是息息相關(guān)的，但我們這么做還因?yàn)檫@是對(duì)的。這就是為何，當(dāng)我們今晚在這里聚首，有一萬(wàn)多美國(guó)人還在海地與許多國(guó)家一起幫助那里的人民恢復(fù)生產(chǎn)和重建。這就是為何，我們和阿富汗那個(gè)渴望讀書的女孩站在一起，我們支持在街頭游行示威要求人權(quán)的伊朗婦女，我們聲援那個(gè)因國(guó)家腐敗而找不到工作的幾內(nèi)亞年輕人。因?yàn)槊绹?guó)必須永遠(yuǎn)站在自由和個(gè)人尊嚴(yán)的一邊。

在國(guó)際上，美國(guó)一直以來(lái)最大的力量源泉就是我們的理想。在國(guó)內(nèi)也同樣。我們?cè)诰薮蟮牟町愔邪l(fā)現(xiàn)統(tǒng)一，用寫入我們憲法中的承諾：我們所有人生而平等，無(wú)論你是誰(shuí)，你的外表如何，只要你遵守法律，你就應(yīng)該受到法律的保護(hù);只要你擁護(hù)我們的普世價(jià)值，你就應(yīng)該得到與任何人相同的待遇。

我們必須不斷完善這一承諾。我的政府有一個(gè)民權(quán)司，再度開(kāi)始對(duì)違反民權(quán)和就業(yè)歧視提起公訴。我們終于加強(qiáng)了我們的法律，保護(hù)人們免受仇恨犯罪的侵害。今年，我將與國(guó)會(huì)和我們的軍隊(duì)共同廢除一項(xiàng)法律，該法律由于同性戀者的身份而剝奪美國(guó)同性戀者效忠他們所熱愛(ài)的國(guó)家的權(quán)利。

我們將嚴(yán)厲取締違反同酬法的做法，使同樣工作了一天的女性能獲得同等的報(bào)酬。我們應(yīng)該繼續(xù)修復(fù)我們出故障的移民系統(tǒng)，以保護(hù)我們邊境的安全、加強(qiáng)我們的法律、確保所有遵守規(guī)則的人能夠?qū)ξ覀兊慕?jīng)濟(jì)作出貢獻(xiàn)，令我們的國(guó)家更豐富多彩。

歸根到底，是我們的理想、我們的價(jià)值標(biāo)準(zhǔn)筑起了美國(guó)。這些價(jià)值使我們得以打造一個(gè)由來(lái)自全世界各個(gè)角落的移民組成的國(guó)度，這些價(jià)值依然激勵(lì)著我們的公民。每天，美國(guó)人承擔(dān)著家庭和工作的責(zé)任。他們常常向他們的鄰居伸出援手，回饋他們的國(guó)家。他們以勞動(dòng)為榮，慷慨高尚。他們秉承的并非共和黨或民主黨的價(jià)值、商業(yè)價(jià)值或勞動(dòng)價(jià)值，他們秉承的是美國(guó)價(jià)值。

不幸的是，我們的太多公民已經(jīng)不再相信我們的大機(jī)構(gòu)——我們的企業(yè)、我們的媒體，對(duì)，還有我們的政府——盡管這些機(jī)構(gòu)依然還反映著這些價(jià)值。這些機(jī)構(gòu)中不乏可敬的男性和女性工作者，他們從事的重要工作推動(dòng)了國(guó)家的繁榮。但每當(dāng)一名首席執(zhí)行官事業(yè)失敗了還要犒賞自己，或一位銀行家為自己的私利而讓人們陷入風(fēng)險(xiǎn)，人民的懷疑就會(huì)增加。每當(dāng)說(shuō)客們玩弄制度，或政客們只顧著相互詆毀，而不去振興國(guó)家，我們就會(huì)失去信念。電視評(píng)論員越來(lái)越多地將嚴(yán)肅的辯論降格為愚蠢的爭(zhēng)吵，或?qū)χ卮髥?wèn)題一語(yǔ)帶過(guò)，我們的公民也越來(lái)越多地轉(zhuǎn)過(guò)身去。無(wú)怪乎社會(huì)上有那么多人憤世嫉俗，無(wú)怪乎有那么多的失望。

我競(jìng)選時(shí)的承諾是變革，口號(hào)是我們相信變革。但如今我知道，很多美國(guó)人不再確定他們是否依然相信我們能改變，或至少我能帶來(lái)改變。但請(qǐng)記住這點(diǎn)——我從來(lái)沒(méi)有說(shuō)過(guò)變革會(huì)很容易，或者我可以獨(dú)自完成。在一個(gè)擁有三億人口的國(guó)家，民主可能變得喧囂、混亂和復(fù)雜。當(dāng)你試圖做大事或帶來(lái)大的變革，就會(huì)激起強(qiáng)烈的情緒和紛爭(zhēng)。事情就是這樣。

我們身為官員面對(duì)這樣的情況可以明哲保身，避免道出令人難以接受的事實(shí)。我們可以做些必要的事，保持較高的民調(diào)支持率以順利通過(guò)下一次選舉，而不去做那些造福下一代的事。但我也知道這一點(diǎn)：如果五十年前或一百年前或二百年前的人們做了這樣的決定，我們今晚就不可能在這里。我們能夠在這里的唯一原因就是世世代代的美國(guó)人無(wú)所畏懼地承擔(dān)起艱難的重任，不畏失敗地去做必須做的事，讓這個(gè)國(guó)家的夢(mèng)想世代傳承、恒久不滅。

這一年來(lái)，我們的政府經(jīng)歷過(guò)一些政治挫折，其中有些是應(yīng)得的。但我每天醒來(lái)，都會(huì)想到他們與全國(guó)上下無(wú)數(shù)家庭這一年來(lái)所遭遇的困難相比微不足道。而支撐我繼續(xù)前行、支撐我繼續(xù)奮斗的是，盡管經(jīng)歷種種挫折，那種堅(jiān)定和樂(lè)觀的精神，那種與生俱來(lái)的尊嚴(yán)，它一直以來(lái)都是美國(guó)人最核心的精神，始終存在。

它存在于那位小企業(yè)主寫給我的信中。他說(shuō)：“我們沒(méi)有人愿意考慮，甚至只是閃過(guò)這個(gè)念頭，我們可能失敗。”

它存在于那位女性的話中。她說(shuō)，即使她和她的鄰居們感受到衰退帶來(lái)的痛苦，但“我們很堅(jiān)強(qiáng)，我們有恢復(fù)力，我們是美國(guó)人”。

它存在于那位八歲的路易斯安那小男孩身上。他剛剛把自己的零花錢寄給我，問(wèn)我能不能交給海地人民。

它還存在于所有義無(wú)反顧地前往從未去過(guò)的地方、將素昧平生的人拉出廢墟的美國(guó)人，他們?cè)谟忠粋€(gè)生命獲救時(shí)高呼“美國(guó)!美國(guó)!美國(guó)”!

這種兩百多年來(lái)一直支撐和鼓舞著這個(gè)國(guó)家的精神存在于你們，這個(gè)國(guó)家的人民身上。

我們結(jié)束了艱難的一年，我們走過(guò)了艱難的十年。但新的一年業(yè)已來(lái)到，新的十年也已開(kāi)始。我們不放棄，我不放棄。讓我們把握這一刻，重新開(kāi)始，讓夢(mèng)想延續(xù)，讓我們?cè)俅螆F(tuán)結(jié)得更緊密。

謝謝。上帝保佑你們。上帝保佑美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)。