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《考研英語閱讀理解100篇 基礎版》第8章 學科類 Unit 96

所屬教程:考研英語閱讀

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2019年01月24日

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Some people,notably Richard Dawkins,an evolutionary biologist at Oxford University,regard religion as a disease.It spreads,they suggest,like a virus,except that the“viruses” are similar to those infecting computers—bits of cultural software that take over the hardware of the brain and make it do irrational things. 
Corey Fincher,of the University of New Mexico,has a different hypothesis for the origin of religious diversity.He thinks not that religions are like disease but that they are responses to disease—or,rather,to the threat of disease.If he is right,then people who believe that their religion protects them from harm may be correct,although the protection is of a different sort from the supernatural one they perceive. 
Mr.Fincher is not arguing that disease-protection is religion's main function.Biologists have different hypotheses for that.Not all follow Dr Dawkins in thinking it pathological.Some see it either as a way of promoting group solidarity in a hostile world,or as an accidental consequence of the predisposition to such solidarity.This solidarity-promotion is one of Mr.Fincher's starting points.The other is that bacteria,viruses and other parasites are powerful drivers of evolution.Many biologists think that sex,for example,is a response to parasitism.The continual mixing of genes that it promotes means that at least some offspring of any pair of parents are likely to be immune to a given disease. 
Mr.Fincher and his colleague Randy Thornhill wondered if disease might be driving important aspects of human social behaviour,too.Their hypothesis is that in places where disease is rampant,it behoves groups not to mix with one another more than is strictly necessary,in order to reduce the risk of contagion.They therefore predict that patterns of behaviour which promote group exclusivity will be stronger in disease-ridden areas.Since religious differences are certainly in that category,they specifically predict that the number of different religions in a place will vary with the disease load. 
Proving the point involved collating a lot of previous research.Even defining what constitutes a religion is fraught with difficulty.But using accepted definitions of uniqueness,exclusivity,autonomy and superiority to other religions they calculated that the average number of religions per country is 31.The range,though,is enormous—from 3 to 643.C觝te d’lvoire,for example,has 76 while Norway has 13,and Brazil has 159 while Canada has 15.They then did the same thing for the number of parasitic diseases found in each country.The average here was 200,with a range from 178 to 248. 
Obviously,some of the differences between countries are caused by differences in their areas and populations.But these can be accounted for statistically.When they have been,the correlation between the number of religions in a place and how disease-ridden it is looks impressive.There is less than one chance in 10,000 that it has come about accidentally. 
The two researchers also looked at anthropological data on how much people in“traditional”(i.e.,non-urban)societies move around in different parts of the world.They found that in more religiously diverse(and more disease-ridden)places people move shorter distances than in healthier,religiously monotonous societies.The implication is that religious diversity causes people to keep themselves to themselves,and thus makes it harder for them to catch germs from infidels. 
Of course,correlation is not causation.But religion is not the only cultural phenomenon that stops groups of people from mixing.Language has the same effect,and in another,as yet unpublished study Mr.Fincher and Dr Thornhill found a similar relationship there too.Moreover,their search of the literature turned up work which suggests that xenophobia is linked psychologically with fear of disease (the dirty foreigner...).Perhaps,then,the underlying reason why there is so much hostility between ethnic groups is nothing to do with the groups themselves,but instead with the diseases they may bring. 
注(1):本文選自Economist; 
注(2):本文習題命題模仿對象:第1、2題分別模仿1998年真題Text 5第1題和Text 4第2題;第3題模仿1993年真題Text 2第1題;第4題模仿1999年真題Text 1第3題;第5題模仿1997年真題Text 4第4題。 
1.What can we know about the views of Richard Dawkins and Corey Fincher from the first two paragraphs? 
A) They disagree on which kind of mental disease religion belongs to. 
B) Fincher hypothesizes that religion results from how people react to disease. 
C) Fincher thinks it is inappropriate to compare religion with computer virus. 
D) Dawkins opposes the viewpoint that religion is a response to disease. 
2.Which of the following best describes the two starting points of Mr.Fincher's hypothesis? 
A) Group survival and immunity.B) Group solidarity and genetic mutation. 
C) Group connection and parasitism drive.D) Group hostility and parenting. 
3.By saying the areas are“disease-ridden”(Line 5,Paragraph 4),the author means those areas are ______. 
A) driven by diseases 
B) with relatively fewer diseases 
C) rife with various diseases 
D) featured with incurable diseases 
4.The anthropological data that they studied demonstrates that ______. 
A) the sanitation of an area is closely relevant to the number of its religions 
B) it is strongly convincing that religious diversity restricts people from traveling 
C) people who live in healthier areas are aware that religious diversity brings disease 
D) religious and language work together to cause xenophobia 
5.The best title for this passage could be ______. 
A) Religion as a Response to Disease 
B) Religion as a Disease 
C) Religion Diversity and Disease 
D) Religion and Biological Research 

有些人認為宗教是一種疾病,牛津大學進化生物學家理查德·道金斯就是這一觀點的代表。持這一觀點的人認為,宗教像病毒一樣到處傳播,只不過這種“病毒”更像是計算機病毒——一些文化軟件被惡意植入人們的大腦硬件中,從而控制大腦硬件,使其做出各種不理性的事情。 
關于宗教多樣性問題的起源,新墨西哥大學的科里·芬徹則有不同的假設。他認為宗教并不像疾病,而是對疾病的反應——或者說是對疾病威脅的反應。如果他的假設成立,那些相信宗教可以保佑自己免受傷害的人們或許是有道理的,盡管這種保護并非來自他們所信奉的超自然的力量。 
芬徹教授的觀點并不是說宗教的主要功能是防御疾病。關于這一點生物學家提出了諸多假設,而并不是所有人都接受道金斯先生關于宗教是一種疾病的假設。一些人將宗教視為亂世之中促進群體團結的途徑,抑或是追求團結過程中的一個意外結果。這種團結促進說正是芬徹教授的理論起點之一。另一個理論起點是,細菌、病毒及其他一些寄生物是推動進化的強大動力。比如,許多生物學家認為性是對寄生病菌的一種反應。其后的基因結合意味著任何父母至少有某一子女很可能對某一特定疾病免疫。 
芬徹教授和他的同事蘭迪·桑希爾的研究問題是:疾病是否同樣也是引起人類社會行為的重要誘因?他們假定在疾病泛濫的地區(qū),為了降低傳染風險,各個群體除了在非常必要的情況下有責任避免彼此接觸。因此他們推斷,在多病地區(qū)排他的行為模式將更加明顯。宗教當然屬于排他行為,他們還具體地預測出隨著疾病數(shù)量不同,某一地區(qū)不同宗教的數(shù)量也會不同。 
證實這一觀點需要對大量以往的研究進行整理。甚至定義什么組成了宗教都十分困難。但根據(jù)一些公認的定義,如獨特性、排他性、自治及相對其他宗教的優(yōu)越性,芬徹和他的同事計算出平均每個國家的宗教數(shù)量為31個,不過跨度范圍很大,從3個到643個不等。例如,科特迪瓦有76個不同的宗教,而挪威有13個;巴西有159個,而加拿大有15個。他們又同樣統(tǒng)計了各國寄生性疾病的數(shù)量,平均值為200,跨度為178到248。 
顯然,國家間的某些不同是由地理位置和人口數(shù)量的不同造成的。但宗教數(shù)量及疾病數(shù)量的不同是可以由統(tǒng)計數(shù)據(jù)解釋的。芬徹及其同事這樣做了,他們得出的宗教數(shù)量與疾病泛濫情況相關的結論讓人印象深刻。僅僅由于偶然得出這一結論的幾率小于萬分之一。 
兩位專家也參閱了人類學的某些數(shù)據(jù),了解“傳統(tǒng)”社會(也就是城市出現(xiàn)之前)人們在世界各地遷徙的情況。他們發(fā)現(xiàn),在宗教更為多樣的(以及疾病更泛濫)的地方,人們遷徙的路途要短于那些生活較為健康、宗教單一的人群。這意味著宗教多樣性減少了人們與他族的接觸,因而這使他們不易受到異族病菌的侵染。 
當然,相關關系并不是因果關系。宗教也不是唯一一個阻止人們接觸的文化現(xiàn)象。語言也有相同的效果,在另外一篇由芬徹先生和桑希爾博士撰寫但尚未發(fā)表的論文中,他們也發(fā)現(xiàn)了類似的相關關系。此外,通過對文學作品的研究,他們發(fā)現(xiàn)對外國人的憎惡感也與心理上恐懼疾病有關(骯臟的外國人…)。那么,或許少數(shù)民族之間充滿敵意背后的原因與民族本身無關,而是因為對異族可能帶來疾病的憎惡。 
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