昂山素季對待羅興亞人的方式不理智

She wasn’t quite a saint but she came pretty close. Aung San Suu Kyi was an inspiration to millions around the world, her struggle a symbol of peaceful resistance to military rule.

她不是圣人，但近乎圣人。昂山素季(Aung San Suu Kyi)曾激勵了世界各地的數(shù)百萬人，她的斗爭是和平抵制軍政府統(tǒng)治的象征。

Following years of repression, including a long stint in solitary confinement, her battles reached a happy ending. She survived to preside over a transition and become Myanmar’s de facto ruler.

在被壓制多年之后——包括被長期單獨軟禁——她的斗爭有了圓滿的結(jié)局。她熬了過來，現(xiàn)在能夠主持緬甸的民主過渡，成為該國事實上的統(tǒng)治者。

Her achievement was the more remarkable because of the broader undemocratic context: the numerous freedom movements that were crushed elsewhere and authoritarianism creeping back to South East Asia.

考慮到整個地區(qū)普遍的不民主環(huán)境，她的成就便更為引人注目：其他地方的許多自由運動遭到鎮(zhèn)壓，威權(quán)主義在東南亞卷土重來。

How disappointing, then, that two short years after her party triumphed in elections the halo of “the lady”, as she is known, is fading. Why does Aung San Suu Kyi persist in denying the security forces’ responsibility in collective punishment of the Rohingya Muslims, a long-oppressed minority of nearly a million stateless people now facing a fresh wave of persecution?

因此，在“夫人”(the lady，人們對昂山素季的稱呼)的政黨贏得選舉勝利僅兩年后，她的光環(huán)就開始褪色，這多么令人失望。昂山素季為何堅持否認政府軍在集體懲罰羅興亞穆斯林中的罪責(zé)?羅興亞穆斯林是人口近100萬的少數(shù)族裔，他們沒有國籍，長期遭受壓迫，現(xiàn)在又面臨新一波的迫害。

According to Human Rights Watch, satellite imagery shows the total destruction of a village in northern Rakhine state in late August, with as many as 700 buildings burnt — the latest military escalation following a Rohingya militant group’s attack against government police stations, checkpoints and an army base.

人權(quán)觀察(Human Rights Watch)表示，衛(wèi)星圖片顯示，今年8月末，緬甸若開邦(Rakhine)北部的一個村莊被完全摧毀，多達700幢建筑物被燒毀——這是繼羅興亞武裝組織攻擊政府警局、檢查站和軍事基地之后最新的軍事活動升級。

True, Aung San Suu Kyi’s authority does not extend to the military and she cannot dictate an end to the collective punishment of the Rohingya. Her own contribution has been to establish an advisory commission on Rakhine state last year, working with the Kofi Annan Foundation. No one doubts that she is also under tremendous pressure, with multiple ethnic conflicts to address since she became state counsellor in 2015. What baffles is her unwillingness to exercise moral authority and speak out against human rights abuses.

的確，昂山素季的權(quán)威沒有擴大到軍方，她無法命令結(jié)束對羅興亞人的集體懲罰。她自己的貢獻是去年成立了若開邦事務(wù)顧問委員會，該委員會與科菲•安南基金會(Kofi Annan Foundation)合作。沒有人懷疑她也承受著巨大的壓力，自她在2015年成為國務(wù)資政以來需要解決多起種族沖突問題。令人困惑的是，她為何不愿運用道德權(quán)威公開譴責(zé)侵犯人權(quán)行為。

Hailed by the head of the Nobel committee, which awarded her the peace prize in 1991, as an example of the power of the powerless, Aung San Suu Kyi has watched helpless Rohingya driven out of the country, their houses burnt, their livelihood destroyed.

1991年獲得諾貝爾和平獎的昂山素季，曾被諾貝爾委員會主席譽為無權(quán)者力量的代表。如今她看著無助的羅興亞人被趕出緬甸，他們的房屋被燒毀，他們的生計遭到破壞。

Instead of condemning the military’s actions, her office seems to have adopted the typical playbook of authoritarian regimes: it claims the Rohingya have been setting fire to their own properties and blaming the security forces. It accuses international charities of helping Rohingya militants. And it insists there is no need for a UN fact-finding mission to uncover the truth.

昂山素季辦公室沒有譴責(zé)軍方行為，而是似乎采用了威權(quán)體制的通常做法：它宣稱羅興亞人一直在縱火焚燒自己的房產(chǎn)，并嫁禍于政府軍。它指責(zé)國際慈善組織幫助羅興亞武裝人員。它堅稱，聯(lián)合國沒有必要派調(diào)查團來確證真相。

Her many supporters abroad, including fellow Nobel laureates, are dismayed but unwilling to give up hope, as if determined to bring out what they assume must be her repressed revulsion at the brutality. Malala Yousafzai, the youngest Nobel laureate, this week said that she — and the world — were waiting for Aung San Suu Kyi to condemn the shameful treatment of the Rohingya Muslims.

她在國外的許多支持者，包括其他諾貝爾獎獲得者在內(nèi)，都感到失望，但又不愿放棄希望，他們似乎下定決心要喚醒他們認為被壓抑在她內(nèi)心深處的對暴行的厭惡。最年輕的諾貝爾獎獲得者馬拉拉•尤薩夫扎伊(Malala Yousafzai)本周表示，她(和全世界)都在等待昂山素季譴責(zé)對羅興亞穆斯林的可恥迫害活動。

It may be a long and futile wait. Aung San Suu Kyi is not the first celebrated opposition leader to turn a blind eye to rights abuses once in power. Earlier this year, in an interview with the BBC, she defended herself as “just a politician”, not quite like Margaret Thatcher — the comparison her critics favour — but also “no Mother Teresa”.

這等待可能將是漫長而徒勞的。昂山素季不是第一個在上臺后就對侵犯人權(quán)行為視而不見了的知名反對派領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人。今年早些時候，她在接受英國廣播公司(BBC)采訪時為自己辯護，稱自己“只是一名政治人士”，不太像瑪格麗特•撒切爾(Margaret Thatcher)——她的批評者喜歡將她與撒切爾進行比較——但也“不是特雷莎修女(Mother Teresa)”。

The treatment of the Rohingya, however, is reckless politically. Their plight has been a long-running stain on the ethnic patchwork of Myanmar — hardly surprising that a militant group now feeds off their misery. The group calling itself the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army launched its first attacks only last year.

然而，對羅興亞人的迫害在政治上是魯莽的。他們的苦難是少數(shù)族裔眾多的緬甸長期的污點——現(xiàn)在一個武裝組織依靠他們的苦難發(fā)展壯大，這幾乎毫不令人意外。這家自稱為若開羅興亞救世軍(ARSA)的組織去年才首次發(fā)起攻擊。

The advisory commission set up by Aung San Suu Kyi’s office indeed describes Rakhine as a development, human rights and a security crisis, and the Rohingya as the largest stateless community in the world, chronically poor and excluded from Myanmar’s body politic. Further radicalisation, it warned in a report earlier this year, was a real risk.

昂山素季辦公室設(shè)立的若開邦事務(wù)顧問委員會實際上將這個邦描述為一個發(fā)展、人權(quán)和安全危機，將羅興亞人描述為世界上最大的無國籍群體，他們長期貧困，被排除于緬甸政治體(body politic)之外。更極端的是，該委員會在今年早些時候的一篇報告中警告稱，進一步極端化的風(fēng)險切實存在。

Its predictions are quickly coming true. With the latest violence, Rakhine is now mired in a vicious cycle, with militant attacks provoking disproportionate military retaliation, which in turn create new grievances and new insurgents.

這一預(yù)言很快成真。隨著最新暴力活動的爆發(fā)，若開邦陷入了惡性循環(huán)，武裝攻擊引發(fā)了規(guī)模大得多的武裝報復(fù)，這相應(yīng)導(dǎo)致了新的苦難和新的反抗。

Aung San Suu Kyi may have lost courage for the moral fight. But even cold political calculation dictates a more humane treatment of the Rohingya.

昂山素季可能喪失了為正義而抗?fàn)幍挠職狻５幢銉H從政治角度冷靜地考量，也會得出如下結(jié)論：需要給予羅興亞人更人道的待遇。