紐約時報：新加坡國父李光耀病逝

Lee Kuan Yew, Founding Father and First Premier of Singapore, Dies at 91

新加坡國父李光耀病逝

Lee Kuan Yew, the founding father and first prime minister of Singapore who transformed that tiny island outpost into one of the wealthiest and least corrupt countries in Asia, died on Monday morning. He was 91.

新加坡國父和首任總理李光耀于周一早晨過世，享年91歲。他把一個邊遠島域打造成為了亞洲最富有的、腐敗度最低的國家之一。

“The prime minister is deeply grieved to announce the passing of Mr. Lee Kuan Yew, the founding prime minister of Singapore,” a statement posted on the prime minister’s official website said. “Mr. Lee passed away peacefully at the Singapore General Hospital today at 3:18 am.”

“總理十分悲痛地宣布，新加坡建國總理李光耀先生辭世，”新加坡總理官方網(wǎng)站上的一則聲明寫道。“李先生于今晨3點18分在新加坡中央醫(yī)院平靜逝世。”

Mr. Lee was prime minister from 1959, when Singapore gained full self-government from the British, until 1990, when he stepped down. Late into his life he remained the dominant personality and driving force in what he called a First World oasis in a Third World region.

1959年，新加坡從英國那里獲得了完全自治的權(quán)力，自此李光耀就開始擔任總理，直到1990年卸任。李光耀曾說新加坡是第三世界地區(qū)的“第一世界綠洲”，在晚年，他是這個國家的支配性人物，而且也依然是這個“綠洲”的推動力。

The nation, reflected the man: efficient, unsentimental, incorrupt, inventive, forward-looking and pragmatic.

新加坡折射了李光耀的特點：高效、廉潔、不感情用事，并富有創(chuàng)造性、前瞻性和務實精神。

“We are ideology-free,” Mr. Lee said in an interview with The New York Times in 2007, stating what had become, in effect, Singapore’s ideology. “Does it work? If it works, let’s try it. If it’s fine, let’s continue it. If it doesn’t work, toss it out, try another one.”

“我們沒有意識形態(tài)，”李光耀2007年接受《紐約時報》采訪時說，而這實際上已經(jīng)成為了新加坡的意識形態(tài)。“它有效嗎?如果它有效，那我們試試。如果效果不錯，那我們就繼續(xù)。如果沒效果，那就扔掉它，試下別的東西。”

His leadership was sometimes criticized for suppressing freedom, but the formula succeeded. Singapore became an international business and financial center admired for its efficiency and low level of corruption.

盡管其領導不時被批評為壓制自由，但這種做法成功了。新加坡成為了一個國際商業(yè)和金融中心，其效率高、腐敗程度低的特點受到世人景仰。

An election in 2011 marked the end of the Lee Kuan Yew era, with a voter revolt against the ruling People’s Action Party. Mr. Lee resigned from the specially created post of minister mentor and stepped into the background as the nation began exploring the possibilities of a more engaged and less autocratic government.

2011年的選舉標志著李光耀時代的結(jié)束，執(zhí)政黨人民行動黨(People's Action Party)遇到了來自選民的抵抗。李光耀辭去了專門為他設立的職位“內(nèi)閣咨政”，步入后臺，這個國家開始探索如何組建一個參與度更高、獨裁成分更少的政府。

Since Singapore separated from Malaysia in 1965 — an event Mr. Lee called his “moment of anguish” — he had seen himself in a never-ending struggle to overcome the nation’s lack of natural resources, a potentially hostile international environment and a volatile ethnic mix of Chinese, Malays and Indians.

新加坡1965年脫離馬來西亞，李光耀稱那是他的“痛苦時刻”。自那之后，他就覺得自己處在一場永無休止的斗爭之中，必須克服這個國家面臨的多個問題：自然資源的匱乏;含有敵意的國際環(huán)境;華人、馬來人和印度人形成的不穩(wěn)定的種族組合。

“To understand Singapore and why it is what it is, you’ve got to start off with the fact that it’s not supposed to exist and cannot exist,” he said in the 2007 interview. “To begin with, we don’t have the ingredients of a nation, the elementary factors: a homogeneous population, common language, common culture and common destiny. So, history is a long time. I’ve done my bit.”

“要了解新加坡，弄懂它為什么成為現(xiàn)在這樣，你就必須以一個事實為出發(fā)點：按理它不應該存在，而且無法存在，”他在2007年接受采訪時說。“首先，我們沒有成為國家的要素，缺乏了一些基本因素：一個同質(zhì)的群體，共同的語言，共同的文化，共同的命運。所以，歷史需要很長時間的積累。而我盡了自己的那份力。”

His “Singapore model,” sometimes criticized as soft authoritarianism, included centralized power, clean government and economic liberalism along with suppression of political opposition and strict limits on free speech and public assembly, which created a climate of caution and self-censorship. The model has been admired and studied by leaders in Asia, including in China, and beyond as well as being the subject of countless academic case studies.

他的“新加坡模式”有時被批評為軟獨裁，這個模式包括：中央集權(quán)、廉潔的政府、經(jīng)濟自由主義，以及對政治反對派的打壓，對言論和公眾集會自由的嚴格限制，以營造一種行事謹慎和自我審查的氛圍。

The commentator Cherian George described Mr. Lee’s leadership as “a unique combination of charisma and fear.”

評論員切里安·喬治(Cherian George)稱李光耀的領導風格為感染他人的“魅力與恐懼的獨特組合”。

As Mr. Lee’s influence waned, the questions were how much and how fast his model might change in the hands of a new, possibly more liberal generation. Some even asked, as he often had, whether Singapore, a nation of 5.6 million, could survive in a turbulent future.

隨著李光耀的影響力減弱，有人問：在一代可能更加崇尚自由主義的新人手中，他的模式可能會在多大程度上，以多快的速度發(fā)生變化。有些人甚至問道：新加坡能否作為一個國家，在動蕩的未來存續(xù)下去。就像他過去經(jīng)常問的那樣。

Mr. Lee was a master of “Asian values,” a concept in which the good of society took precedence over the rights of the individual and citizens ceded some autonomy in return for paternalistic rule.

李光耀是“亞洲價值觀”大師。在這種價值觀中，社會的利益優(yōu)先于個人權(quán)利，公民需要放棄一些自主權(quán)來換取家長式的統(tǒng)治。

Generally passive in political affairs, Singaporeans sometimes chide themselves as being overly preoccupied with a comfortable lifestyle, which they sum up as the “Five C’s” — cash, condo, car, credit card, country club.

新加坡人在政治事務中一般頗為被動，有時會調(diào)侃自己過于貪圖舒適的生活方式，他們用“五C”––現(xiàn)金、公寓、汽車、信用卡、鄉(xiāng)村俱樂部--來總結(jié)這種生活方式。

In recent years, though, a confrontational world of political websites and blogs has given new voice to critics of Mr. Lee and his system.

不過，近年來，政治網(wǎng)站和博客組成的對抗性勢力已經(jīng)將新的聲音賦予了針對李光耀及其體制的批評者。

Even among people who knew little of Singapore, Mr. Lee was famous for his national self-improvement campaigns, which urged people to do such things as smile, speak good English and flush the toilet, but never to spit, chew gum or throw garbage off balconies.

即使是那些對新加坡知之甚少的人，也知道李光耀的國家自強運動，這些運動呼吁人們微笑、說流利的英語、沖馬桶、不吐痰、不嚼口香糖，而且不把垃圾扔下陽臺。

“They laughed, at us,” he said in the second volume of his memoirs, “From Third World to First: The Singapore Story 1965-2000.” “But I was confident that we would have the last laugh. We would have been a grosser, ruder, cruder society had we not made these efforts.”

“那時他們嘲笑我們，”他在回憶錄《從第三世界到第一世界：1965-2000，新加坡歷史》(From Third World to First: The Singapore Story1965-2000)的第二卷中寫道。“但我相信，我們會笑到最后。如果我們沒有付出這些努力，這本會是一個更加粗鄙、粗魯、粗俗的社會。”

Mr. Lee developed a distinctive Singaporean mechanism of political control, filing libel suits that sometimes drove his opponents into bankruptcy and doing battle with critics in the foreign press. Several foreign publications, including The International Herald Tribune, which is now called The International New York Times, have apologized and paid fines to settle libel suits.

李光耀創(chuàng)造了一種與眾不同的新加坡式政治控制機制，他提起誹謗訴訟，有時會讓對手破產(chǎn)，他還和幾家外國媒體的批評做斗爭。有幾家外國出版物道了歉，并支付了罰款，以便對誹謗訴訟達成和解，其中就包括《國際先驅(qū)論壇報》(The International Herald Tribune)，即現(xiàn)在的《國際版紐約時報》(International New York Times)。

The lawsuits challenged accusations of nepotism — members of Mr. Lee’s family hold influential positions in Singapore — and questions about the independence of the judiciary, which critics have said follows the lead of the executive branch.

這些訴訟涉及裙帶關系指控––李光耀的家庭成員在新加坡占據(jù)了要職––以及司法獨立性問題。批評者說新加坡的司法部門唯行政部門是瞻。

Mr. Lee denied that the suits had a political purpose, saying they were essential to clearing his name of false accusations.

李光耀否認這些訴訟具有政治目的，聲稱要破除誣告，還自己清譽，就必須這樣做。

He seemed to genuinely believe that criticisms would gain currency if they were not vigorously disputed. But the lawsuits themselves did as much as anything to diminish his reputation.

他似乎真的相信，如果不積極地抗擊批評，它們就會廣泛傳播。但在削弱他的聲譽方面，訴訟本身其實發(fā)揮了不小的作用。

He was proud to describe himself as a political street fighter more feared than loved.

他很自豪地形容自己是政界的“街頭霸王”，人們更懼怕他而不是愛戴他。

“Nobody doubts that if you take me on, I will put on knuckle-dusters and catch you in a cul-de-sac,” he said in 1994. “If you think you can hurt me more than I can hurt you, try. There is no other way you can govern a Chinese society.”

“如果你針對我，我會戴上指節(jié)金屬套，在一條死巷子里逮到你，沒有人懷疑這一點，”他1994年時說：“如果你以為，你對我的傷害，多過我可以對你造成的傷害，你就來試一試。沒有什么別的辦法來治理一個華人社會。”

A jittery public avoided openly criticizing Mr. Lee and his government and generally obeyed its dictates.

情緒緊張的公眾避免公開批評李光耀及其政府，通常會服從它的指揮。

“Singaporeans are like a flea,” said Mr. Lee’s political tormentor, J.B. Jeyaretnam, who was financially broken by libel suits but persisted in opposition until his death in 2008. “They are trained to jump so high and no farther. Once they go higher they’re slapped down.”

“新加坡人就像跳蚤，”李光耀的政敵J·B·惹耶勒南(J.B. Jeyaretnam)說，“他們都被訓練得跳到一定的高度，但不能更高。一旦跳到更高，他們就會挨上一巴掌。”惹耶勒南因誹謗訴訟而破產(chǎn)，但直到2008年過世之前，他一直堅持反對李光耀。

In an interview in 2005, Mr. Jeyaretnam added: “There’s a climate of fear in Singapore. People are just simply afraid. They feel it everywhere. And because they’re afraid they feel they can’t do anything.”

在2005年的一次采訪中，惹耶勒南表示：“新加坡有一種恐懼的氛圍。人們就是會感到害怕，無時無地不是這樣。而且，由于感到害怕，他們覺得自己什么事情都不能做。”

Mr. Lee’s vehicle of power was the People’s Action Party, or P.A.P., which exercised the advantages of office to overwhelm and intimidate opponents. It embraced into its ranks the nation’s brightest young stars, creating what was, in effect, a one-party state.

李光耀的執(zhí)政工具是人民行動黨(簡稱PAP)，該黨運用執(zhí)政的優(yōu)勢來壓制和恐嚇政敵。行動黨將該國最聰穎的年輕人才納入麾下，實質(zhì)上建立起了一黨制國家。

In a policy intended to remove the temptation for corruption, Singapore linked the salaries of ministers, judges and top civil servants to those of leading professionals in the private sector, making them some of the highest-paid government officials in the world.

為了消除腐敗的誘惑，新加坡政府頒布政策，將部長、法官和最高級別公務員的薪酬，與私營部門出色專業(yè)人士的薪酬掛鉤，于是讓他們成為了全世界薪水最高的政府官員。

It was only in 1981, 16 years after independence, that Mr. Jeyaretnam won the first opposition seat in Parliament, infuriating Mr. Lee. Two decades later, after the 2006 election, just two of the Parliament’s 84 elected seats were held by members of opposition parties.

直到1981年，新加坡獨立16年后，惹耶勒南才第一次在議會贏得了反對派席位。而李光耀則因此大怒。過了20年，在2006年大選后，國會的84個直選議席中，只有兩個席位由反對黨持有。

But in 2011, the opposition won an unprecedented six seats, along with an unusually high popular vote of close to 40 percent, in what was seen as a demand by voters for more accountability and responsiveness in its leaders. Pragmatic as always, the P.A.P. reacted by modifying its peremptory style and acknowledging that times were changing.

不過在2011年，反對黨前所未有地贏得了六個議席，并在總票數(shù)中贏得了高得異乎尋常的比例：40%。這一轉(zhuǎn)變被認為是選民在要求，該國領導人應受到更多問責，更多地響應民意。行動黨一如既往地務實，該黨改變了專橫的執(zhí)政風格，承認時代已經(jīng)變了，以此作為對民眾訴求的回應。

But the new approach still fell short of true multiparty democracy, and Singaporeans continued to question whether the party intended to change itself or would even be able to do so.

然而新的方式仍然不是真正的多黨民主，新加坡人也在繼續(xù)追問，行動黨到底打不打算改變自己，甚至有沒有能力改變自己。

“Many people say, ‘Why don’t we open up, then you have two big parties and one party always ready to take over?’ “ Mr. Lee said in a speech in 2008. “I do not believe that for a single moment.”

“許多人問，‘為什么你們不開放體制，然后會有兩個大黨，總有一個政黨隨時準備掌權(quán)呢?’”李光耀在2008年的一次演講中說。“這種說法我一刻也不認同。”

He added: “We do not have the numbers to ensure that we’ll always have an A Team and an alternative A Team. I’ve tried it; it’s just not possible.”

他還說：“我們沒有那么多人口來確保一直有一個頂級團隊，同時還有一個備選的頂級團隊。我嘗試過，那是不可能的。”

What Singapore got was centralized, efficient policy making unencumbered by what Mr. Lee called the “heat and dust” of political clashes, and social campaigns.

新加坡得到的是一個集中化、有效率的政策制定機制，不會受到李光耀口中政治沖突和社會運動的“狂熱和紛亂”的影響。

In one, the government tried vigorously to combat a falling birthrate, organizing what was in effect an official matchmaking agency aimed particularly at affluent ethnic Chinese.

其中一項政策是，政府為了努力阻止出生率的降低，組建了事實上是相親場所的官方機構(gòu)，且主要目標是富裕的華裔人口。

Mr. Lee also promoted the use of English as the language of business and the common tongue among the ethnic groups, while recognizing Malay, Chinese and Tamil as other official languages.

李光耀還推廣使用英語作為工作語言和各族群間的通用語，同時也承認了馬來語、華語和淡米爾語(泰米爾語)的官方語言地位。

With tourists and investors in mind, Singapore sought to become a cultural and recreational hub, with a sprawling performing arts center, museums, galleries, Western and Chinese orchestras and not one but two casinos.

懷著吸引游客和投資者的目標，新加坡尋求成為一個文化和休閑中心，修建了龐大的表演藝術中心、博物館、畫廊，建立了西式和中式樂團，而且建造了不只一座，而是兩座賭場。

Despite his success, Mr. Lee said that he sometimes had trouble sleeping and that he calmed himself each night with 20 minutes of meditation, reciting a mantra: “Ma-Ra-Na-Tha.”

盡管取得了成功，但是李光耀說，他有時候會夜不能寐，每晚要花20分鐘冥想并念誦口訣“Ma-Ra-Na-Tha”才能讓自己沉靜下來。

“The problem is to keep the monkey mind from running off into all kinds of thoughts,” he said in an interview with The Times in 2010. “A certain tranquillity settles over you. The day’s pressures and worries are pushed out. Then there’s less problem sleeping.”

“難題是不能讓‘心猿’到處跑，鉆進各種想法里，”他在2010年接受時報采訪時說。“某種沉靜感會降在你身上，白天的壓力和憂慮就被推了出去。睡眠的問題也就沒那么重了。”

Lee Kuan Yew, who was sometimes known by his English name, Harry Lee, was born in Singapore on Sept. 16, 1923, to a fourth-generation, middle-class Chinese family.

李光耀有時使用英文名哈里·李(Harry Lee)，他在1923年9月16日生于新加坡一個中產(chǎn)階級的四代華裔家庭。

He worked as a translator and engaged in black market trading during the Japanese occupation in World War II, then went to Britain, where he earned a law degree in 1949 from Cambridge University. In 1950 he married Kwa Geok Choo, a fellow law student from Singapore. She died in 2010.

他在第二次世界大戰(zhàn)中，日本占領期間擔任翻譯，并從事黑市貿(mào)易。之后前往英國，并于1949年從劍橋大學(Cambridge University)取得法學學位。1950年，他與攻讀法律的新加坡同學柯玉芝(Kwa Geok Choo)結(jié)婚?？掠裰ビ?010年去世。

After serving as prime minister from 1959 to 1990, Mr. Lee was followed by two handpicked successors, Goh Chok Tong and Mr. Lee’s eldest son, Lee Hsien Loong, who, groomed for the job, has been prime minister since 2004.

李光耀自1959年至1990年擔任總理，之后總理職務先后由兩位他親自挑選的接班人擔任，分別是吳作棟(Goh Chok Tong)和他的長子李顯龍(Lee Hsien Loong)。李顯龍自2004年來一直擔任總理，上任之前就一直作為總理人選受到栽培。

Besides the prime minister, Mr. Lee is survived by his younger son, Lee Hsien Yang, who is the chairman of the Civil Aviation Authority of Singapore; a daughter, Dr. Lee Wei Ling, who runs the National Neuroscience Institute; a younger brother, Suan Yew; and a younger sister, Monica.

除了現(xiàn)任總理，李光耀在世的子女還有次子李顯揚(Lee Hsien Yang)，新加坡民用航空局(Civil Aviation Authority of Singapore)主席;女兒李瑋玲(Lee Wei Ling)，新加坡國立神經(jīng)科學研究所(National Neuroscience Institute)負責人。李光耀的弟弟李祥耀(Lee Suan Yew)、妹妹李金滿(Monica)也在世。

Ho Ching, the wife of the prime minister, is executive director and chief executive of Temasek Holdings, a government holding company.

現(xiàn)任總理李顯龍的妻子何晶(Ho Ching)是政府投資公司淡馬錫控股(Temasek Holdings)的執(zhí)行董事兼首席執(zhí)行官。

“His stature is immense,” Catherine Lim, a novelist and frequent critic of Mr. Lee, said in an interview. “This man is a statesman. He is probably too big for Singapore, on a level with Tito and de Gaulle. If they had three Lee Kuan Yews in Africa, that continent wouldn’t be in such a bad state.”

“他的地位是崇高的，”小說家林寶音(Catherine Lim)在一次采訪中說。“他是個政治家。他可能太偉大了，新加坡無法容納。他的地位和鐵托(Tito)、戴高樂(de Gaulle)相當。如果非洲有三個李光耀，那塊大洲就不會是今天這種糟糕的局面。”林寶音經(jīng)常對李光耀提出批評。

The cost of his success, she said, was a lack of emotional connection.

林寶音形容，他取得成功的代價是，與他治理的民眾缺乏情感聯(lián)結(jié)。

“Everything goes tick-tock, tick-tock,” she said. “He is an admirable man, but, oh, people like a little bit of heart as well as head. He is all hard-wired.”

“所有的事情都按部就班，”她說。“他是個受人崇敬的人，哎，可是人除了頭腦之外，還需要一些心靈，才能受人喜愛。他太死板了。”

In the 2010 interview with The Times, though, he took a reflective, valedictory tone.

不過在2010年接受時報采訪時，他卻采取了一種更像是反思和謝幕的口吻。

“I’m not saying that everything I did was right, but everything I did was for an honorable purpose,” he said. “I had to do some nasty things, locking fellows up without trial.”

“我不是說我做的所有事都是對的，而是我做的所有事都是出于崇高的目的，”他說。“我迫于無奈做過一些丑惡的事，比如不經(jīng)審判就把一些人關起來。”

He said he was not a religious man and that he dealt with setbacks by simply telling himself, “Well, life is just like that.”

他說，他不信仰宗教，每次遇到挫折后，他只是告訴自己：“好吧，人生就是這樣。”

Mr. Lee maintained a careful diet and exercised for most of his life, but he admitted to feeling the signs of age and to a touch of weariness at the self-imposed rigor of his life.

李光耀膳食認真，一生大部分時間都有鍛煉的習慣。不過他也承認感受到了衰老的跡象，對自我施加的嚴苛生活習慣也感到了一絲厭倦。