特朗普崛起背后，該怎么理解白人民族主義
自唐納德·特朗普(Donald Trump)在本月的大選中獲勝以來，在美國不少家庭和編輯部里都有人困惑地低聲念叨一個(gè)問題：白人民族主義到底是什么?
Self-proclaimed white nationalists have happily embraced Trump’s victory and, particularly, his choice of Stephen K. Bannon as chief strategist, as a win for their agenda. A barrage of groups that fight discrimination and hate speech have, in turn, criticized Bannon’s appointment, warning that his embrace of the “alt-right” movement was little more than an attempt to rebrand racism and white nationalism into something palatable enough for mass consumption.
自稱白人民族主義者的人開心地把特朗普的勝利，尤其是他選擇史蒂芬·K·班農(nóng)(Stephen K. Bannon)擔(dān)任首席策略師的做法當(dāng)成是他們議程的勝利。反過來，大量反對歧視和仇恨言論的團(tuán)體指責(zé)任命班農(nóng)的決定，警告稱他對“另類右翼”(alt-right)運(yùn)動(dòng)的大力支持無異于試圖把種族主義和白人民族主義重新塑造成能夠讓人接受，可供大眾消費(fèi)的概念。
And much of the rest of the country has been left to wonder what this unfamiliar term actually means.
這些人以外的美國民眾則感到莫名其妙，不知道這個(gè)少見的說法到底是什么意思。
While white nationalism certainly overlaps with white supremacy and racism, many political scientists say it is a distinct phenomenon — one that was a powerful but often-unseen force during the presidential election and will most likely remain a potent factor in U.S. and European politics in coming years.
白人民族主義當(dāng)然與白人至上和種族主義存在共同之處，盡管如此，很多政治學(xué)家稱它是一種不同的現(xiàn)象——在大選期間是一股強(qiáng)大但常常無形的力量，未來很多年里極有可能仍是美國和歐洲政治中的一個(gè)強(qiáng)效因素。
Eric Kaufmann, a professor of politics at Birkbeck University in London, has spent years studying the ways that ethnicity intersects with politics. While most researchers in that field focus on ethnic minorities, Kaufmann does the opposite: He studies the behavior of ethnic majorities, particularly whites in the United States and Britain.
倫敦大學(xué)伯克貝克學(xué)院的政治學(xué)教授埃里克·考夫曼(Eric Kaufmann)潛心數(shù)年，研究族群淵源與政治的相互影響。盡管這一領(lǐng)域的大部分研究者都把重點(diǎn)放在了少數(shù)族群上，但考夫曼卻反其道而行之：他研究的是多數(shù)族群的行為，特別是美國和英國的白人。
White nationalism, he said, is the belief that national identity should be built around white ethnicity, and that white people should therefore maintain both a demographic majority and dominance of the nation’s culture and public life.
他說，白人民族主義是一種信念，認(rèn)為應(yīng)該圍繞白色人種建立國民身份，因而白人應(yīng)該保持在人口中的多數(shù)地位，以及在國家文化和公共生活中的主導(dǎo)地位。
So, like white supremacy, white nationalism places the interests of white people over those of other racial groups. White supremacists and white nationalists both believe that racial discrimination should be incorporated into law and policy.
因此，和白人至上一樣，白人民族主義把白人的利益放在了其他種族的利益前面。白人至上主義者和白人民族主義者都認(rèn)為，種族歧視應(yīng)該被納入法律和政策中。
Some will see the distinction between white nationalism and white supremacy as a semantic sleight of hand. But although many white supremacists are also white nationalists, and vice versa, Kaufmann says the terms are not synonyms: White supremacy is based on a racist belief that white people are innately superior to people of other races; white nationalism is about maintaining political and economic dominance, not just a numerical majority or cultural hegemony.
一些人會(huì)認(rèn)為白人民族主義和白人至上之間的差別只是詞語上的障眼法。很多白人至上主義者也是白人民族主義者，反之亦然。盡管如此，考夫曼說這兩個(gè)詞并非同義詞：白人至上是建立在白人天生比其他種族優(yōu)秀的種族主義信念上;白人民族主義說的是保持在政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)領(lǐng)域的主導(dǎo)地位，不僅僅是人數(shù)上的優(yōu)勢或文化霸權(quán)。
For a long time, he said, white nationalism was less an ideology than the default presumption of American life. Until quite recently, white Americans could easily see the nation as essentially an extension of their own ethnic group.
他說，在很長一段時(shí)間里，白人民族主義與其說是一種思想，不如說是對美國生活的默認(rèn)設(shè)想。直到最近，美國的白人還很容易認(rèn)為這個(gè)國家本質(zhì)上是他們的族群的延伸。
But the country’s changing demographics, the civil rights movement and a push for multiculturalism in many quarters mean that white Americans are now confronting the prospect of a nation that is no longer built solely around their own identity.
但美國不斷變化的人口組成、民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)以及很多方面對多元文化主義的推動(dòng)，意味著美國的白人現(xiàn)在面臨的情況是美國不再是一個(gè)完全只圍繞他們自己的身份認(rèn)同構(gòu)建的國家。
For many white people, of course, the growing diversity is something to celebrate. But for others it is a source of stress. The white nationalist movement has drawn support from that latter group. Its supporters argue that the United States should protect its white majority by sharply limiting immigration and perhaps even by compelling nonwhite citizens to leave.
當(dāng)然，對很多白人來說，日漸豐富的多樣性值得慶祝。但對其他人來說，這是壓力的源頭。白人民族主義運(yùn)動(dòng)得到了后者的支持。該運(yùn)動(dòng)的支持者辯稱，美國應(yīng)該通過嚴(yán)格限制移民，甚或通過強(qiáng)迫非白人公民離開美國來保護(hù)占人口多數(shù)的白人。
Trump’s appointment of Bannon as his senior counselor and chief West Wing strategist has, more than anything, brought white nationalism to the forefront of conversation. He is the former editor of Breitbart News, a site he described in August to Mother Jones as “the platform of the alt-right.” Although the alt-right is ideologically broader than white nationalism — it also includes neoreactionaries, monarchists and meme-loving internet trolls — white nationalism makes up a significant part of its appeal.
特朗普任命班農(nóng)擔(dān)任自己的高級(jí)顧問和西配樓首席策略師的做法尤其把白人民族主義者推上了風(fēng)口浪尖。班農(nóng)曾是布萊巴特新聞(Breitbart News)的主編，并曾在8月對《瓊斯母親》(Mother Jones)稱該網(wǎng)站是“‘另類右翼’的平臺(tái)”。盡管“另類右翼”在意識(shí)形態(tài)方面比白人民族主義更廣泛——它還包括新反動(dòng)派、君主主義者和鐘愛米姆的網(wǎng)絡(luò)挑釁者——但白人民族主義構(gòu)成了其吸引力中重要的組成部分。
For instance, Richard Spencer, who runs the website AlternativeRight.com, is also the director of the National Policy Institute, an organization that says it is devoted to protecting the “heritage, identity, and future of people of European descent in the United States, and around the world.”
比如，理查德·斯潘塞(Richard Spencer)既是網(wǎng)站AlternativeRight.com的負(fù)責(zé)人，也是全國政策研究所(National Policy Institute)的所長。該機(jī)構(gòu)自稱致力于保護(hù)“美國和全世界有歐洲血統(tǒng)者的文化遺產(chǎn)、身份認(rèn)同和未來”。
Spencer argues that immigration and multiculturalism are threats to America’s white population and has said his ideal is a white “ethno-state.” He has avoided discussing the details of how this might be achieved, saying it is still just a “dream,” but has called for “peaceful ethnic cleansing” to remove nonwhite people from U.S. soil.
斯潘塞稱移民和多元文化主義是對美國白人的威脅，并表示他的理想是建立一個(gè)白人“種族國家”。他避免討論如何實(shí)現(xiàn)這一點(diǎn)的細(xì)節(jié)，稱那仍然只是一個(gè)“夢想”，但他呼吁進(jìn)行“和平的種族清洗”，以將非白人趕出美國的領(lǐng)土。
Bannon, the Trump adviser, told The Times upon his appointment that he does not share those ethno-nationalist views. But under his leadership, Breitbart News has gone to considerable lengths to cater to an audience that does. And in a 2015 radio interview that was resurfaced last week by The Washington Post, Bannon opposed even highly skilled immigration, implying he believed it was a threat to American culture.
身為特朗普的顧問，班農(nóng)在就自己的任命接受時(shí)報(bào)采訪時(shí)表示，他不贊成那些種族民族主義觀點(diǎn)。但在他的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下，布萊巴特新聞不遺余力地迎合認(rèn)同相關(guān)觀點(diǎn)的讀者。在2015年的一次電臺(tái)采訪中，班農(nóng)甚至反對技術(shù)移民，暗示他們是對美國文化的威脅。上周，《華盛頓郵報(bào)》(The Washington Post)讓那次采訪再次浮出水面。
“When two-thirds or three-quarters of the CEOs in Silicon Valley are from South Asia or from Asia, I think ...” he said, trailing off midsentence before continuing a moment later, “a country is more than an economy. We’re a civic society.”
“當(dāng)硅谷三分之二或四分之三的首席執(zhí)行官都來自南亞或亞洲時(shí)，我覺得……”說到一半時(shí)他的聲音逐漸降低，過了一會(huì)兒才接著說，“一個(gè)國家不只有經(jīng)濟(jì)。我們是一個(gè)公民社會(huì)。”
White nationalists, including Spencer, have rejoiced at Bannon’s appointment to such a senior position in the Trump White House. But focusing on high-profile figures like Bannon may obscure the more significant way that white nationalist ideas are affecting politics — and fueling the rise of politicians like Trump in the United States as well as anti-immigrant populist movements in Britain and continental Europe.
包括斯潘塞在內(nèi)的民族主義者，對班農(nóng)在特朗普領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的白宮被委以如此重任高興不已。但把注意力放在像班農(nóng)這樣的重要人物身上，可能會(huì)掩蓋白人民族主義思想影響政治——并助長像特朗普這樣的政治人物在美國的崛起，以及英國和歐洲大陸反移民民粹主義運(yùn)動(dòng)的方式，后者更重要。
Kaufmann argues that anxiety over white identity and anti-immigrant populist politicians can have a symbiotic relationship, each strengthening the other. When populist politicians gain mainstream success, that can make white nationalist ideas more socially acceptable.
考夫曼稱，白人身份認(rèn)同引發(fā)的焦慮和反移民民粹主義政治人物之間可能存在一種相互增強(qiáng)的共生關(guān)系。當(dāng)民粹主義政治人物獲得主流的成功時(shí)，這可能會(huì)讓白人民族主義思想變得更容易被社會(huì)接受。
“It’s not just a question of ethnic change and people being alarmed over it,” he said. “It’s also a question of what people see as the boundaries of acceptable opposition. It’s about what counts as racism, and whether it’s racist to vote for a far-right party.”
“不僅僅是一個(gè)族群變化和人們對它感到擔(dān)憂的問題，”他說。“也是一個(gè)人們認(rèn)為可接受的反方界限是什么的問題。它關(guān)乎什么可以被當(dāng)做種族主義，以及投票支持極右翼政黨的行為是不是種族主義。”
“This is all about the anti-racist norm,” Kaufmann continued. “If it’s weakening or eroding because people think the boundaries have shifted.”
“這一切都和反種族主義準(zhǔn)則有關(guān)，”考夫曼接著說。“如果它正在衰退或是減弱，那是因?yàn)槿藗冋J(rèn)為界限變了。”
