世界上最偉大的名人演講 Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death 不自由,毋寧死

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Patrick Henry, March 23, 1775.

No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the veryworthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speakforth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The questing before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.

Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whateveranguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we haveprostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; ourremonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free-- if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending--if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!

They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, areinvincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to thevigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace-- but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!

不自由，毋寧死

在弗吉尼亞州議會(huì)上的演講

(美國(guó))亨利1775年3月23日

主席先生：

沒(méi)有人比我更欽佩剛剛在會(huì)議上發(fā)言的先生們的愛(ài)國(guó)精神與見(jiàn)識(shí)才能。但是，人們常常從不同的角度來(lái)觀察同一事物。因此，盡管我的觀點(diǎn)與他們截然不同，我還是要毫無(wú)顧忌、毫無(wú)保留地講出自己的觀點(diǎn)，并希望不要因此而被認(rèn)為是對(duì)先生們的不敬。此時(shí)不是講客氣話的時(shí)候，擺在各位代表面前的是國(guó)家存亡的大問(wèn)題，我認(rèn)為，這是關(guān)系到享受自由還是蒙受奴役的大問(wèn)題。鑒于它事關(guān)重大，我們的辯論應(yīng)該允許各抒己見(jiàn)。只有這樣，我們才有可能搞清事物的真相，才有可能不辱于上帝和祖國(guó)所賦予我們的偉大使命。在這種時(shí)刻，如果怕冒犯各位的尊嚴(yán)而緘口不語(yǔ)，我將認(rèn)為自己是對(duì)祖國(guó)的背叛和對(duì)此世界上任何國(guó)君都更為神圣的上帝的不忠。

主席先生，沉湎于希望的幻覺(jué)是人的天性。我們有閉目不愿正視痛苦現(xiàn)實(shí)的傾向，有傾聽(tīng)女海妖的惑人歌聲的傾向，可那是能將人化為禽獸的惑人的歌聲。這難道是在這場(chǎng)為獲得自由而從事的艱苦卓絕的斗爭(zhēng)中，一個(gè)聰明人所應(yīng)持的態(tài)度嗎?難道我們?cè)敢庾瞿欠N對(duì)這關(guān)系到是否蒙受奴役的大問(wèn)題視而不見(jiàn)充耳不聞的人嗎?就我個(gè)人而論，無(wú)論在精神上承受任何痛苦，我也愿意知道真理，知道最壞的情況，并為之做好一切準(zhǔn)備。

我只有一盞指路明燈，那就是經(jīng)驗(yàn)之燈，除了以往的經(jīng)驗(yàn)以外，我不知道還有什么更好的方法來(lái)判斷未來(lái)。而即要以過(guò)去的經(jīng)驗(yàn)為依據(jù)，我倒希望知道，10年來(lái)英國(guó)政府的所作所為中有哪一點(diǎn)足以證明先生們用以欣然安慰自己及各位代表的和平希望呢?難道就是最近接受我們請(qǐng)?jiān)笗r(shí)所流露出的陰險(xiǎn)微笑嗎?不要相信它，先生，那是在您腳下挖的陷阱。不要讓人家的親吻把您給出賣(mài)了。請(qǐng)諸位自問(wèn)，接受我們請(qǐng)?jiān)笗r(shí)的和善微笑與這如此大規(guī)模的海、陸戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)準(zhǔn)備是否相稱(chēng)。難道艦艇和軍隊(duì)是對(duì)我們的愛(ài)護(hù)和戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)調(diào)停的必要手段嗎?難道為了解決爭(zhēng)端，贏得自己的愛(ài)而訴諸武力，我們就應(yīng)該表現(xiàn)出如此的不情愿嗎?我們不要自己欺騙自己了，先生，這些都是戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)和征服的工具，是國(guó)君采取的最后爭(zhēng)執(zhí)手段。主席先生，我要向主張和解的先生請(qǐng)教，這些戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)部署究竟意味著什么?如果說(shuō)其目的不在于迫使我們屈服的話，那么哪位先生能指出其動(dòng)機(jī)所在?在我們這塊土地上，還有哪些對(duì)手值得大不列顛征集如此規(guī)模的海陸軍隊(duì)嗎?不，先生，沒(méi)有其他對(duì)手了。一切都是針對(duì)我們而來(lái)，而不是針對(duì)別人。英國(guó)政府如此長(zhǎng)久地鍛造出的鎖鏈要來(lái)桎梏我們了，我們?cè)摵我缘挚?還要靠辯論嗎?先生，我們已經(jīng)辯論10年了，可辯論出什么更好的抵御措施了嗎?沒(méi)有。我們已從各種角度考慮過(guò)了，但一切均是枉然。難道我們還要求救于哀告與祈求嗎?難道我們還有什么更好方法未被采用嗎?勿需尋找了，先生，我懇求您，千萬(wàn)不要自己欺騙自己了。我們已經(jīng)做了應(yīng)該做的一切，來(lái)阻止這場(chǎng)即已來(lái)臨的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)風(fēng)暴。我們請(qǐng)?jiān)高^(guò)了，我們抗議過(guò)了，我們哀求過(guò)了，我們也曾拜倒在英國(guó)王的寶座下，懇求他出面干預(yù)，制裁國(guó)會(huì)和內(nèi)閣中的殘暴者。可我們的請(qǐng)?jiān)甘艿捷p侮，我們的抗議招致了新的暴力，我們的哀求被人家置之不理，我們被人家輕蔑地一腳從御座前踢開(kāi)了。事到如今，我們?cè)僖膊荒艹撩杂谔摕o(wú)縹緲的和平希望之中了。希望已不能存在!假如我們想得到自由，并拯救我們?yōu)橹L(zhǎng)期奮斗的珍貴權(quán)力的話;假如我們不愿徹底放棄我們長(zhǎng)期所從事的，曾經(jīng)發(fā)誓不取得最后的勝利而決不放棄的光榮斗爭(zhēng)的話，那么，我們必須戰(zhàn)斗!我再重復(fù)一遍，必須戰(zhàn)斗!我們的唯一出路只有訴諸武力，求助于戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)之神。

主席先生，他們說(shuō)我們的力量太單薄了，不能與如此強(qiáng)大兇猛的敵人抗衡。但是，我們何時(shí)才能強(qiáng)大起來(lái)呢?是下周?還是明年?還是等到我們完全被繳械，家家戶戶都駐守著英國(guó)士兵的時(shí)候呢?難道我們就這樣仰面高臥，緊抱著那虛無(wú)縹緲的和平幻覺(jué)不放，直到敵人把我們的手腳都束縛起來(lái)的時(shí)候，才能獲得有效的防御手段嗎?先生們，如果我們能妥善利用自然之神賜予我們的有利條件，我們就不弱小。如果我們?nèi)偃f(wàn)人民在自己的國(guó)土上，為神圣的自由事業(yè)而武裝起來(lái)，那么任何敵人都是無(wú)法戰(zhàn)勝我們的。此外，先生們，我們并非孤軍作戰(zhàn)，主宰各民族命運(yùn)的正義之神，會(huì)號(hào)召朋友們?yōu)槲覀兌鴳?zhàn)。先生們，戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的勝負(fù)不僅僅取決于力量的強(qiáng)弱，勝利永遠(yuǎn)屬于那些機(jī)警的、主動(dòng)的、勇敢的人們。況且，我們已沒(méi)有選擇余地了。即使我們那樣沒(méi)有骨氣，想退出這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，也為時(shí)晚矣!我們已毫無(wú)退路，除非甘愿受屈辱和奴役!囚禁我們的鎖鏈已經(jīng)鑄就，波士頓草原上已經(jīng)響起鐐銬的叮當(dāng)響聲。戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)已不可避免--那么就讓它來(lái)吧!我再重復(fù)一遍，就讓它來(lái)吧!

回避現(xiàn)實(shí)是毫無(wú)用處的。先生們會(huì)高喊：和平!和平!但和平安在?實(shí)際上，戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)已經(jīng)開(kāi)始，從北方刮來(lái)的大風(fēng)都會(huì)將武器的鏗鏘回響送進(jìn)我們的耳鼓。我們的同胞已身在疆場(chǎng)了，我們?yōu)槭裁催€要站在這袖手旁觀呢?先生們希望的是什么?想要達(dá)到什么目的?生命就那么可貴?和平就那么甜美!甚至不惜以戴鎖鏈、受奴役的代價(jià)來(lái)?yè)Q取嗎?全能的上帝啊，阻止這一切吧!在這場(chǎng)斗爭(zhēng)中，我不知道別人會(huì)如何行事，至于我，不自由，毋寧死!