肯尼迪于1962年關(guān)于古巴導(dǎo)彈危機(jī)發(fā)表電視講話

肯尼迪于1962年關(guān)于古巴導(dǎo)彈危機(jī)發(fā)表電視講話 英文版

Good evening, my fellow citizens:

This Government, as promised, has maintained the closest surveillance of the Soviet military buildup on the island of Cuba. Within the past week, unmistakable evidence has established the fact that a series of offensive missile sites is now in preparation on that imprisoned island. The purpose of these bases can be none other than to provide a nuclear strike capability against the Western Hemisphere.

Upon receiving the first preliminary hard information of this nature last Tuesday morning at 9 A.M., I directed that our surveillance be stepped up. And having now confirmed and completed our evaluation of the evidence and our decision on a course of action, this Government feels obliged to report this new crisis to you in fullest detail.

The characteristics of these new missile sites indicate two distinct types of installations. Several of them include medium range ballistic missiles, capable of carrying a nuclear warhead for a distance of more than 1,000 nautical miles. Each of these missiles, in short, is capable of striking Washington, D. C., the Panama Canal, Cape Canaveral, Mexico City, or any other city in the southeastern part of the United States, in Central America, or in the Caribbean area.

Additional sites not yet completed appear to be designed for intermediate range ballistic missiles—capable of traveling more than twice as far—and thus capable of striking most of the major cities in the Western Hemisphere, ranging as far north as Hudson Bay, Canada, and as far south as Lima, Peru. In addition, jet bombers, capable of carrying nuclear weapons, are now being uncrated and assembled in Cuba, while the necessary air bases are being prepared.

This urgent transformation of Cuba into an important strategic base—by the presence of these large, long-range, and clearly offensive weapons of sudden mass destruction—constitutes an explicit threat to the peace and security of all the Americas, in flagrant and deliberate defiance of the Rio Pact of 1947, the traditions of this nation and hemisphere, the joint resolution of the 87th Congress, the Charter of the United Nations, and my own public warnings to the Soviets on September 4 and 13. This action also contradicts the repeated assurances of Soviet spokesmen, both publicly and privately delivered, that the arms buildup in Cuba would retain its original defensive character, and that the Soviet Union had no need or desire to station strategic missiles. on the territory of any other nation.

The size of this undertaking makes clear that it has been planned for some months. Yet, only last month, after I had made clear the distinction between any introduction of ground-to-ground missiles and the existence of defensive antiaircraft missiles, the Soviet Government publicly stated on September 11 that, and I quote, "the armaments and military equipment sent to Cuba are designed exclusively for defensive purposes," that there is, and I quote the Soviet Government, "there is no need for the Soviet Government to shift its weapons for a retaliatory blow to any other country, for instance Cuba," and that, and I quote their government, "the Soviet Union has so powerful rockets to carry these nuclear warheads that there is no need to search for sites for them beyond the boundaries of the Soviet Union."

That statement was false.

Only last Thursday, as evidence of this rapid offensive buildup was already in my hand, Soviet Foreign Minister Gromyko told me in my office that he was instructed to make it clear once again, as he said his government had already done, that Soviet assistance to Cuba, and I quote, "pursued solely the purpose of contributing to the defense capabilities of Cuba," that, and I quote him, "training by Soviet specialists of Cuban nationals in handling defensive armaments was by no means offensive, and if it were otherwise," Mr. Gromyko went on, "the Soviet Government would never become involved in rendering such assistance."

That statement also was false.

Neither the United States of America nor the world community of nations can tolerate deliberate deception and offensive threats on the part of any nation, large or small. We no longer live in a world where only the actual firing of weapons represents a sufficient challenge to a nation's security to constitute maximum peril. Nuclear weapons are so destructive and ballistic missiles are so swift, that any substantially increased possibility of their use or any sudden change in their deployment may well be regarded as a definite threat to peace.

For many years, both the Soviet Union and the United States, recognizing this fact, have deployed strategic nuclear weapons with great care, never upsetting the precarious status quo which insured that these weapons would not be used in the absence of some vital challenge. Our own strategic missiles have never been transferred to the territory of any other nation under a cloak of secrecy and deception; and our history—unlike that of the Soviets since the end of World War II—demonstrates that we have no desire to dominate or conquer any other nation or impose our system upon its people. Nevertheless, American citizens have become adjusted to living daily on the bull's-eye of Soviet missiles located inside the U.S.S.R. or in submarines.

In that sense, missiles in Cuba add to an already clear and present danger—although it should be noted the nations of Latin America have never previously been subjected to a potential nuclear threat. But this secret, swift, extraordinary buildup of Communist missiles—in an area well known to have a special and historical relationship to the United States and the nations of the Western Hemisphere, in violation of Soviet assurances, and in defiance of American and hemispheric policy—this sudden, clandestine decision to station strategic weapons for the first time outside of Soviet soil—is a deliberately provocative and unjustified change in the status quo which cannot be accepted by this country, if our courage and our commitments are ever to be trusted again by either friend or foe.

The 1930's taught us a clear lesson: aggressive conduct, if allowed to go unchecked and unchallenged, ultimately leads to war. This nation is opposed to war. We are also true to our word. Our unswerving objective, therefore, must be to prevent the use of these missiles against this or any other country, and to secure their withdrawal or elimination from the Western Hemisphere.

Our policy has been one of patience and restraint, as befits a peaceful and powerful nation which leads a worldwide alliance. We have been determined not to be diverted from our central concerns by mere irritants and fanatics. But now further action is required, and it is under way; and these actions may only be the beginning. We will not prematurely or unnecessarily risk the costs of worldwide nuclear war in which even the fruits of victory would be ashes in our mouth; but neither will we shrink from that risk at any time it must be faced.

Acting, therefore, in the defense of our own security and of the entire Western Hemisphere, and under the authority entrusted to me by the Constitution as endorsed by the Resolution of the Congress, I have directed that the following initial steps be taken immediately:

First: To halt this offensive buildup a strict quarantine on all offensive military equipment under shipment to Cuba is being initiated. All ships of any kind bound for Cuba from whatever nation or port will, if found to contain cargoes of offensive weapons, be turned back. This quarantine will be extended, if needed, to other types of cargo and carriers. We are not at this time, however, denying the necessities of life as the Soviets attempted to do in their Berlin blockade of 1948.

Second: I have directed the continued and increased close surveillance of Cuba and its military buildup. The foreign ministers of the OAS [Organization of American States], in their communiqué' of October 6, rejected secrecy on such matters in this hemisphere. Should these offensive military preparations continue, thus increasing the threat to the hemisphere, further action will be justified. I have directed the Armed Forces to prepare for any eventualities; and I trust that in the interest of both the Cuban people and the Soviet technicians at the sites, the hazards to all concerned of continuing this threat will be recognized.

Third: It shall be the policy of this nation to regard any nuclear missile launched from Cuba against any nation in the Western Hemisphere as an attack by the Soviet Union on the United States, requiring a full retaliatory response upon the Soviet Union.

Fourth: As a necessary military precaution, I have reinforced our base at Guantanamo, evacuated today the dependents of our personnel there, and ordered additional military units to be on a standby alert basis.

Fifth: We are calling tonight for an immediate meeting of the Organ[ization] of Consultation under the Organization of American States, to consider this threat to hemispheric security and to invoke articles 6 and 8 of the Rio Treaty in support of all necessary action. The United Nations Charter allows for regional security arrangements, and the nations of this hemisphere decided long ago against the military presence of outside powers. Our other allies around the world have also been alerted.

Sixth: Under the Charter of the United Nations, we are asking tonight that an emergency meeting of the Security Council be convoked without delay to take action against this latest Soviet threat to world peace. Our resolution will call for the prompt dismantling and withdrawal of all offensive weapons in Cuba, under the supervision of U.N. observers, before the quarantine can be lifted.

Seventh and finally: I call upon Chairman Khrushchev to halt and eliminate this clandestine, reckless, and provocative threat to world peace and to stable relations between our two nations. I call upon him further to abandon this course of world domination, and to join in an historic effort to end the perilous arms race and to transform the history of man. He has an opportunity now to move the world back from the abyss of destruction by returning to his government's own words that it had no need to station missiles outside its own territory, and withdrawing these weapons from Cuba by refraining from any action which will widen or deepen the present crisis, and then by participating in a search for peaceful and permanent solutions.

This nation is prepared to present its case against the Soviet threat to peace, and our own proposals for a peaceful world, at any time and in any forum—in the OAS, in the United Nations, or in any other meeting that could be useful—without limiting our freedom of action. We have in the past made strenuous efforts to limit the spread of nuclear weapons. We have proposed the elimination of all arms and military bases in a fair and effective disarmament treaty. We are prepared to discuss new proposals for the removal of tensions on both sides, including the possibilities of a genuinely independent Cuba, free to determine its own destiny. We have no wish to war with the Soviet Union—for we are a peaceful people who desire to live in peace with all other peoples.

But it is difficult to settle or even discuss these problems in an atmosphere of intimidation. That is why this latest Soviet threat—or any other threat which is made either independently or in response to our actions this week— must and will be met with determination. Any hostile move anywhere in the world against the safety and freedom of peoples to whom we are committed, including in particular the brave people of West Berlin, will be met by whatever action is needed.

Finally, I want to say a few words to the captive people of Cuba, to whom this speech is being directly carried by special radio facilities. I speak to you as a friend, as one who knows of your deep attachment to your fatherland, as one who shares your aspirations for liberty and justice for all. And I have watched and the American people have watched with deep sorrow how your nationalist revolution was betrayed—and how your fatherland fell under foreign domination. Now your leaders are no longer Cuban leaders inspired by Cuban ideals. They are puppets and agents of an international conspiracy which has turned Cuba against your friends and neighbors in the Americas, and turned it into the first Latin American country to become a target for nuclear war—the first Latin American country to have these weapons on its soil.

These new weapons are not in your interest. They contribute nothing to your peace and well-being. They can only undermine it. But this country has no wish to cause you to suffer or to impose any system upon you. We know that your lives and land are being used as pawns by those who deny your freedom. Many times in the past, the Cuban people have risen to throw out tyrants who destroyed their liberty. And I have no doubt that most Cubans today look forward to the time when they will be truly free—free from foreign domination, free to choose their own leaders, free to select their own system, free to own their own land, free to speak and write and worship without fear or degradation. And then shall Cuba be welcomed back to the society of free nations and to the associations of this hemisphere.

My fellow citizens, let no one doubt that this is a difficult and dangerous effort on which we have set out. No one can foresee precisely what course it will take or what costs or casualties will be incurred. Many months of sacrifice and self-discipline lie ahead—months in which both our patience and our will will be tested, months in which many threats and denunciations will keep us aware of our dangers. But the greatest danger of all would be to do nothing.

The path we have chosen for the present is full of hazards, as all paths are; but it is the one most consistent with our character and courage as a nation and our commitments around the world. The cost of freedom is always high, but Americans have always paid it. And one path we shall never choose, and that is the path of surrender or submission.

Our goal is not the victory of might, but the vindication of right; not peace at the expense of freedom, but both peace and freedom, here in this hemisphere, and, we hope, around the world. God willing, that goal will be achieved.

Thank you and good night.

肯尼迪于1962年關(guān)于古巴導(dǎo)彈危機(jī)發(fā)表電視講話 中文版

晚上好，我的同胞們：

本政府一直如承諾地，對古巴島上的蘇聯(lián)軍事建設(shè)保持著最密切的留意。在上周，有清晰的證據(jù)顯示了這樣的事實(shí)，在那個(gè)被囚禁的小島上，一系列進(jìn)攻性導(dǎo)彈場地正處在建設(shè)中。這些基地除了提供針對西半球的核打擊能力，實(shí)在找不出存在的其他目的。

在上個(gè)星期二早上9點(diǎn)，我一收到第一份該性質(zhì)的初步嚴(yán)峻情報(bào)，就指示把我們的監(jiān)視升級?，F(xiàn)在證據(jù)已獲證實(shí)，并完成了證據(jù)評估和我們對采取行動(dòng)所做的決策。本政府覺得有責(zé)任向你們報(bào)告這場新危機(jī)最詳細(xì)的情況。

這些新導(dǎo)彈場地的特點(diǎn)明確表明是兩種不同類型的安裝。其中包括一些能夠攜帶射程超過1000海里的核彈頭的中程彈道導(dǎo)彈。簡單地講，每枚這樣的導(dǎo)彈都能夠?qū)θA盛頓特區(qū)、巴拿馬運(yùn)河、卡納維拉爾角、墨西哥城，或美國東南部、中美洲、加勒比地區(qū)的任何其他城市進(jìn)行打擊。

另外尚未完工的場地，看來是被用于射程超過上面所說導(dǎo)彈2倍的中程導(dǎo)彈，進(jìn)而能夠打擊最北至加拿大哈得森灣，最南至秘魯利馬的西半球大多數(shù)主要城市。另外，能夠攜帶核武器的噴氣式轟炸機(jī)已運(yùn)抵古巴開始組裝，配套的空軍基地也在建設(shè)中。

這些大型、遠(yuǎn)程而且明顯具攻擊性的武器能在瞬間形成大規(guī)模殺傷力，它們的出現(xiàn)說明古巴已經(jīng)急速蛻變?yōu)橐粋€(gè)戰(zhàn)略要地，這對所有美國人的和平和安全構(gòu)成了明確的威脅。是對1947年里約協(xié)定，美國與西半球的傳統(tǒng)，87屆聯(lián)大聯(lián)合決議，聯(lián)合國憲章以及我在9月3日和13日對蘇聯(lián)所做警告進(jìn)行公然和蓄意的挑釁。該行為也與蘇聯(lián)發(fā)言人在公開和私下場合反復(fù)透露的保證——在古巴的軍事建設(shè)仍然是防御性質(zhì)，蘇聯(lián)不需要或沒有必要在任何其他國家領(lǐng)土上布置戰(zhàn)略導(dǎo)彈相矛盾。

這些工程的規(guī)模清晰的表明，對方已經(jīng)計(jì)劃了數(shù)月。然而就是上個(gè)月，在我對引入的地地導(dǎo)彈和現(xiàn)有防空導(dǎo)彈之間做出了明確界定后，蘇聯(lián)政府在9月11日做了公開聲明，我來引用：“運(yùn)往古巴的武器和軍事設(shè)施專門用于防御目的。”這里還有：“蘇聯(lián)政府不需要為了報(bào)復(fù)性還擊，把武器運(yùn)到任何其他國家。”我再引用：“蘇聯(lián)有威力強(qiáng)大的火箭足以運(yùn)送核彈頭，不需要在蘇聯(lián)國界外尋求基地。”

這個(gè)聲明是假的。

就在上個(gè)星期四，當(dāng)我已經(jīng)掌握了進(jìn)攻性工事在快速興建的證據(jù)時(shí)，蘇聯(lián)外相葛羅米柯在我的辦公室告訴我，他獲得指示再向我澄清一遍。他說他的政府即蘇聯(lián)對古巴實(shí)行的援助，我這里引用：“僅僅是為了增加古巴的防御能力。”我再引用：“蘇聯(lián)專家是訓(xùn)練古巴人掌握防御性武器，如果該培訓(xùn)包含其他內(nèi)容也決不具進(jìn)攻性質(zhì)。”他接著說：“蘇聯(lián)政府絕對不會提供這樣的援助。”

這個(gè)聲明又是假的。

美國和國際社會都無法容忍對任何國家，無論大小，進(jìn)行蓄意的欺騙和進(jìn)攻威脅。我們將要居住在一個(gè)炮火紛飛的真實(shí)世界，這代表了對一個(gè)國家安全的極大挑戰(zhàn)，構(gòu)成了最大的威脅。核武器威力驚人，而彈道導(dǎo)彈的速度又如此之快，任何它們使用機(jī)會的實(shí)質(zhì)性增加，或它們的部署發(fā)生任何突然的變化，都會被當(dāng)做對和平構(gòu)成明確的威脅。

多年來，美國和蘇聯(lián)都認(rèn)識到了這個(gè)事實(shí)，小心翼翼地開發(fā)戰(zhàn)略核武器，決不擾亂這些武器的不穩(wěn)定現(xiàn)狀，保證它們不得在非緊要關(guān)頭使用。我國的核武器從來沒有在詭秘和欺騙的外衣下，被轉(zhuǎn)移到其他任何國家的領(lǐng)土上;我們的歷史也不像蘇聯(lián)自二戰(zhàn)結(jié)束以來的歷史，說明我們沒有欲望支配或征服其他任何國家或把我們的制度強(qiáng)加給其他國家的人民。然而，美國人民卻要適應(yīng)每天在蘇聯(lián)導(dǎo)彈或潛艇的靶心下生活。

從這個(gè)意義上講，古巴的導(dǎo)彈已經(jīng)明顯加劇了現(xiàn)實(shí)的威脅。盡管要注意的是拉美國家以前從來沒受到過潛在的核威脅，但蘇聯(lián)導(dǎo)彈這樣秘密、快速和不尋常的建立，而且在一個(gè)眾所周知對美國和西半球國家有特殊和歷史關(guān)系的地區(qū)。這違反了蘇聯(lián)的保證，是對美國和西半球政策的挑釁。這種突然秘密地把戰(zhàn)略武器首次部署在蘇聯(lián)國土以外的決策是蓄意挑釁，如果要我們的朋友或敵人再次相信我們的勇氣和承諾，那我國就不能接受對現(xiàn)狀進(jìn)行目中無人的改變。

20世紀(jì)30年代的現(xiàn)實(shí)給我們上了清楚的一課，進(jìn)攻性行為如果不加節(jié)制和未受到還擊，最終會滑向戰(zhàn)爭。美國反對戰(zhàn)爭，但我們也不食言。因此我們的目標(biāo)是必須至死不渝地防止，針對美國或任何其他國家使用這些導(dǎo)彈，并確保其從西半球撤除或拆毀。

忍耐和克制一直是我們的政策之一，這讓一個(gè)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)世界聯(lián)盟的，和平而強(qiáng)大的國家受益。我們的關(guān)注中心也肯定不僅僅是刺激和狂躁。但現(xiàn)在要采取進(jìn)一步的行動(dòng)，已經(jīng)在進(jìn)行中了。這些行動(dòng)還只是個(gè)開始。即使我們嘗不到勝利的果實(shí)，也不會過早地或沒有必要冒造成世界核大戰(zhàn)的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)，但無論何時(shí)，面對必須要冒的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)，我們也決不退縮。

因此要采取行動(dòng)來保衛(wèi)我們和整個(gè)西半球的安全，根據(jù)憲法賦予我的權(quán)力并經(jīng)國會決議批準(zhǔn)，我指示立即采取以下初步步驟。

首先，暫停該進(jìn)攻性建筑工事，開始對所有運(yùn)往古巴的進(jìn)攻性軍事設(shè)備進(jìn)行嚴(yán)格盤查。無論從哪個(gè)國家或港口駛往古巴的任何船只，如果被發(fā)現(xiàn)貨物中包含進(jìn)攻性武器都必須返回。如果需要，這樣的盤查將擴(kuò)大到其他類型的貨物和運(yùn)輸工具。不過此時(shí)我們不會拒絕生活必需品的輸入，就像蘇聯(lián)在1948年封鎖柏林時(shí)那樣。

第二，我指示對古巴和其軍事工事進(jìn)行持續(xù)的更嚴(yán)密監(jiān)視。美洲國家組織的外長在10月6日的公告中，拒絕對事關(guān)整個(gè)西半球的事態(tài)進(jìn)行保密。如果這些進(jìn)攻性軍事準(zhǔn)備繼續(xù)下去，對西半球的威脅就進(jìn)而增大了，會有進(jìn)一步的行動(dòng)。我已經(jīng)命令陸?？杖姕?zhǔn)備應(yīng)對任何出現(xiàn)的可能性，而我也相信從那些在基地的古巴人和蘇聯(lián)技師的利益考慮，這樣的威脅繼續(xù)下去會被認(rèn)為對所有各方都構(gòu)成危害。

第三，我國的政策是，從古巴發(fā)射的針對西半球任何國家的任何核彈，都將被看作是蘇聯(lián)對美國的攻擊，都會對蘇聯(lián)采取全面的報(bào)復(fù)。

第四，作為必要的軍事戒備，我加強(qiáng)了我們在關(guān)塔納摩的基地，今天撤離了那里人員的家屬，并下令更多軍事單位進(jìn)駐，處于待命警戒狀態(tài)。

第五，為了考慮該威脅對西半球的安全和援引里約條約第6條和第8條來支持所有必要的行動(dòng)，我要求立即召開美洲國家組織協(xié)商會議。聯(lián)合國憲章允許對地區(qū)安全進(jìn)行安排，西半球國家很早以前就決定了反對來自該區(qū)域以外軍事力量的存在。我們在全世界的其他盟國也已接獲警報(bào)。

第六，根據(jù)聯(lián)合國憲章，我們要求立刻召開安理會緊急會議，對蘇聯(lián)最近對世界和平的威脅采取行動(dòng)。我們的解決方案是在盤查升級之前，呼吁在聯(lián)合國觀察員的監(jiān)督下，立刻拆除并撤走所有在古巴的進(jìn)攻性武器。

第七，我呼吁赫魯曉夫主席暫停和消除這種對世界和平進(jìn)行的秘密、不顧后果和挑釁性的威脅，并穩(wěn)定我們兩國的關(guān)系。我呼吁他進(jìn)一步摒棄這種支配世界的做法，加入到終結(jié)危險(xiǎn)軍備競賽和改變?nèi)祟悮v史的歷史性努力中。現(xiàn)在他有機(jī)會把世界從毀滅的深淵中拉回來，做到這點(diǎn)只要他的政府能夠信守諾言——不需要在其領(lǐng)土外部署導(dǎo)彈，從古巴撤走這些武器來控制任何會擴(kuò)大或加劇現(xiàn)有危機(jī)的活動(dòng)，尋求一個(gè)和平和永久的解決方法。

美國準(zhǔn)備在任何時(shí)候，無論是在美洲國家組織，聯(lián)合國或任何其他有幫助的會議上，在我們的自由不受限制的情況下，討論蘇聯(lián)對和平的威脅和我們對世界和平的提議。我們過去做出了艱苦的努力來限制核武器的擴(kuò)散。我們打算用公平和有效的裁軍條約來消除所有的軍事和武裝基地。我們還準(zhǔn)備討論消除雙方緊張的新提案，包括古巴真正獨(dú)立，自己決定其命運(yùn)的可能性。我們不希望同蘇聯(lián)開戰(zhàn)，因?yàn)槲覀兪且粋€(gè)想同所有其他民族和平相處的民族。

但在被脅迫的氣氛中很難解決，甚至討論這些問題。這就是為什么蘇聯(lián)最近的威脅或任何其他單獨(dú)或針對我們本周所采取活動(dòng)的威脅必須要被果斷解決的原因。對世界上任何地方都得到美國承諾的人民的安全和自由采取敵對行動(dòng)，尤其包括西柏林那些勇敢的人民，無論采取什么行動(dòng)都必須被解決。

最后我想對被壓制的古巴人民，對通過特殊收聽器材直接聽到該演講的人說幾句話。我是以一個(gè)朋友，一個(gè)深知你們對祖國深深依戀的人，一個(gè)和你們分享對自由和正義的渴望的人在對你們說話。我和美國人民對你們的國民革命如何被出賣，你們的祖國如何向外國勢力臣服表示深切的遺憾?，F(xiàn)在你們的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人不再是心中有古巴的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人。他們是被國際陰謀所操縱的傀儡和代理人，想把古巴變成核大戰(zhàn)的目標(biāo)。古巴是第一個(gè)在自己的土地上擁有這些武器的拉美國家。

這些新式武器不代表你們的利益，它們對你們的和平和幸福起不到任何貢獻(xiàn)，只能傷害你們的和平和幸福。但美國不想讓你們遭受痛苦或把任何制度強(qiáng)加給你們。我們知道你們的生命和國家正被否定你們自由的人扣為抵押品。古巴人民過去多次起義推翻破壞他們自由的暴君。我深信大多數(shù)古巴人現(xiàn)在都期待著他們能真正自由的那天——不受外國支配，自由選擇自己的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，自由地選擇自己的制度，自由地?fù)碛袊遥杂砂l(fā)言和出版，不需要伴隨著恐懼或蔑視人格的崇拜。而那時(shí)將歡迎古巴重返自由國家的社會和西半球大家庭。

我的同胞們，不要懷疑我們付出的努力有多困難和危險(xiǎn)。沒有人能真正預(yù)見會采取什么行動(dòng)，或付出什么代價(jià)或遭到什么傷亡。今后的幾個(gè)月要準(zhǔn)備犧牲和克制，這幾個(gè)月我們的耐心和意愿將接受考驗(yàn)，這幾個(gè)月許多威脅和譴責(zé)能讓我們意識到危險(xiǎn)。但最大的危險(xiǎn)是什么都不做。

像所有的路一樣，我們現(xiàn)在選擇了一條充滿危險(xiǎn)的路，但這是與我們國家的特點(diǎn)和勇氣以及美國對全世界的承諾最一致的一條路。自由的代價(jià)一直很高，但美國人總是愿意為此付出。有一條路我們絕對不會選擇，那就是投降或屈服。

我們的目標(biāo)不是勝利，而是辯明權(quán)利。不僅西半球，我們希望全世界都不以自由為代價(jià)來換取和平，而是同時(shí)擁有自由與和平。上帝保佑，這個(gè)目標(biāo)必將實(shí)現(xiàn)。

謝謝大家并祝大家晚安。