布什于2005年在白宮的第二次就職演講

布什于2005年在白宮的第二次就職演講 英文版

Vice President Cheney, Mr. Chief Justice, President Carter, President Bush, President Clinton, members of United States’ Congress, reverend clergy, distinguished guests, fellow citizens,

On this day, prescribed by law and marked by ceremony, we celebrate the durable wisdom of our Constitution, and recall the deep commitments that unite our country. I am grateful for the honor of this hour, mindful of the consequential times in which we live, and determined to fulfill the oath that I have sworn and you have witnessed.

At this second gathering, our duties are defined not by the words I use, but by the history we have seen together. For a half century, America defended our own freedom by standing watch on distant borders. After the shipwreck of communism came years of relative quiet, years of repose, years of sabbatical—and then there came a day of fire.

We have seen our vulnerability—and we have seen its deepest source. For as long as whole regions of the world simmer in resentment and tyranny—prone to ideologies that feed hatred and excuse murder—violence will gather, and multiply in destructive power, and cross the most defended borders, and raise a mortal threat. There is only one force of history that can break the reign of hatred and resentment, and expose the pretensions of tyrants, and reward the hopes of the decent and tolerant, and that is the force of human freedom.

We are led, by events and common sense, to one conclusion: The survival of liberty in our land increasingly depends on the success of liberty in other lands. The best hope for peace in our world is the expansion of freedom in all the world.

America’s vital interests and our deepest beliefs are now one. From the day of our Founding, we have proclaimed that every man and woman on this earth has rights, and dignity, and matchless value, because they bear the image of the Maker of Heaven and earth. Across the generations we have proclaimed the imperative of self-government, because no one is fit to be a master, and no one deserves to be a slave. Advancing these ideals is the mission that created our Nation. It is the honorable achievement of our fathers. Now it is the urgent requirement of our nation’s security, and the calling of our time.

So it is the policy of the United States to seek and support the growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world.

This is not primarily the task of arms, though we will defend ourselves and our friends by force of arms when necessary. Freedom, by its nature, must be chosen, and defended by citizens, and sustained by the rule of law and the protection of minorities. And when the soul of a nation finally speaks, the institutions that arise may reflect customs and traditions very different from our own. America will not impose our own style of government on the unwilling. Our goal instead is to help others find their own voice, attain their own freedom, and make their own way.

The great objective of ending tyranny is the concentrated work of generations. The difficulty of the task is no excuse for avoiding it. America’s influence is not unlimited, but fortunately for the oppressed, America’s influence is considerable, and we will use it confidently in freedom’s cause.

My most solemn duty is to protect this nation and its people from further attacks and emerging threats. Some have unwisely chosen to test America’s resolve, and have found it firm.

We will persistently clarify the choice before every ruler and every nation: The moral choice between oppression, which is always wrong, and freedom, which is eternally right. America will not pretend that jailed dissidents prefer their chains, or that women welcome humiliation and servitude, or that any human being aspires to live at the mercy of bullies.

We will encourage reform in other governments by making clear that success in our relations will require the decent treatment of their own people. America’s belief in human dignity will guide our policies, yet rights must be more than the grudging concessions of dictators; they are secured by free dissent and the participation of the governed. In the long run, there is no justice without freedom, and there can be no human rights without human liberty.

Some, I know, have questioned the global appeal of liberty—though this time in history, four decades defined by the swiftest advance of freedom ever seen, is an odd time for doubt. Americans, of all people, should never be surprised by the power of our ideals. Eventually, the call of freedom comes to every mind and every soul. We do not accept the existence of permanent tyranny because we do not accept the possibility of permanent slavery. Liberty will come to those who love it.

Today, America speaks anew to the peoples of the world: All who live in tyranny and hopelessness can know: the United States will not ignore your oppression, or excuse your oppressors. When you stand for your liberty, we will stand with you.

Democratic reformers facing repression, prison, or exile can know: America sees you for who you are: the future leaders of your free country. The rulers of outlaw regimes can know that we still believe as Abraham Lincoln did:“Those who deny freedom to others deserve it not for themselves; and, under the rule of a just God, cannot long retain it” The leaders of governments with long habits of control need to know: To serve your people you must learn to trust them. Start on this journey of progress and justice, and America will walk at your side.

And all the allies of the United States can know: we honor your friendship, we rely on your counsel, and we depend on your help. Division among free nations is a primary goal of freedom’s enemies. The concerted effort of free nations to promote democracy is a prelude to our enemies’ defeat.

Today, I also speak anew to my fellow citizens: From all of you, I have asked patience in the hard task of securing America, which you have granted in good measure. Our country has accepted obligations that are difficult to fulfill, and would be dishonorable to abandon. Yet because we have acted in the great liberating tradition of this nation, tens of millions have achieved their freedom. And as hope kindles hope, millions more will find it. By our efforts, we have lit a fire as well—a fire in the minds of men. It warms those who feel its power, it burns those who fight its progress, and one day this untamed fire of freedom will reach the darkest corners of our world.

A few Americans have accepted the hardest duties in this cause—in the quiet work of intelligence and diplomacy ... the idealistic work of helping raise up free governments ... the dangerous and necessary work of fighting our enemies. Some have shown their devotion to our country in deaths that honored their whole lives—and we will always honor their names and their sacrifice.

All Americans have witnessed this idealism, and some for the first time. I ask our youngest citizens to believe the evidence of your eyes. You have seen duty and allegiance in the determined faces of our soldiers. You have seen that life is fragile, and evil is real, and courage triumphs. Make the choice to serve in a cause larger than your wants, larger than yourself—and in your days you will add not just to the wealth of our country, but to its character.

America has need of idealism and courage, because we have essential work at home—the unfinished work of American freedom. In a world moving toward liberty, we are determined to show the meaning and promise of liberty.

In America’s ideal of freedom, citizens find the dignity and security of economic independence, instead of laboring on the edge of subsistence. This is the broader definition of liberty that motivated the Homestead Act, the Social Security Act, and the G.I. Bill of Rights. And now we will extend this vision by reforming great institutions to serve the needs of our time. To give every American a stake in the promise and future of our country, we will bring the highest standards to our schools, and build an ownership society. We will widen the ownership of homes and businesses, retirement savings and health insurance—preparing our people for the challenges of life in a free society. By making every citizen an agent of his or her own destiny, we will give our fellow Americans greater freedom from want and fear, and make our society more prosperous and just and equal.

In America’s ideal of freedom, the public interest depends on private character—on integrity, and tolerance toward others, and the rule of conscience in our own lives. Self-government relies, in the end, on the governing of the self. That edifice of character is built in families, supported by communities with standards, and sustained in our national life by the truths of Sinai, the Sermon on the Mount, the words of the Koran, and the varied faiths of our people. Americans move forward in every generation by reaffirming all that is good and true that came before—ideals of justice and conduct that are the same yesterday, today, and forever.

In America’s ideal of freedom, the exercise of rights is ennobled by service, and mercy, and a heart for the weak. Liberty for all does not mean independence from one another. Our nation relies on men and women who look after a neighbor and surround the lost with love. Americans, at our best, value the life we see in one another, and must always remember that even the unwanted have worth. And our country must abandon all the habits of racism, because we cannot carry the message of freedom and the baggage of bigotry at the same time.

From the perspective of a single day, including this day of dedication, the issues and questions before our country are many. From the viewpoint of centuries, the questions that come to us are narrowed and few. Did our generation advance the cause of freedom? And did our character bring credit to that cause?

These questions that judge us also unite us, because Americans of every party and background, Americans by choice and by birth, are bound to one another in the cause of freedom. We have known divisions, which must be healed to move forward in great purposes—and I will strive in good faith to heal them. Yet those divisions do not define America. We felt the unity and fellowship of our nation when freedom came under attack, and our response came like a single hand over a single heart. And we can feel that same unity and pride whenever America acts for good, and the victims of disaster are given hope, and the unjust encounter justice, and the captives are set free.

We go forward with complete confidence in the eventual triumph of freedom. Not because history runs on the wheels of inevitability; it is human choices that move events. Not because we consider ourselves a chosen nation; God moves and chooses as He wills. We have confidence because freedom is the permanent hope of mankind, the hunger in dark places, the longing of the soul. When our Founders declared a new order of the ages; when soldiers died in wave upon wave for a union based on liberty; when citizens marched in peaceful outrage under the banner“Freedom Now”—they were acting on an ancient hope that is meant to be fulfilled. History has an ebb and flow of justice, but history also has a visible direction, set by liberty and the Author of Liberty.

When the Declaration of Independence was first read in public and the Liberty Bell was sounded in celebration, a witness said,“It rang as if it meant something.”In our time it means something still. America, in this young century, proclaims liberty throughout all the world, and to all the inhabitants thereof. Renewed in our strength—tested, but not weary—we are ready for the greatest achievements in the history of freedom.

May God bless you, and may He watch over the United States of America.

布什于2005年在白宮的第二次就職演講 中文版

切尼副主席、首席大法官、卡特總統(tǒng)、布什總統(tǒng)、克林頓總統(tǒng)、美國國會議員、尊敬的牧師、貴賓們、同胞們：

今天，按照憲法規(guī)定我們舉行這個儀式。我們在此歡慶我國憲法常青的智慧，追尋我們團(tuán)結(jié)全國的深切責(zé)任感。我感恩這個時刻帶來的榮耀，意識到我們時代的期盼并期待著完成我的誓言，請你們做證。

這是我們第二次聚會，我們的責(zé)任并非由我的講演來確定，它源于我們當(dāng)前歷史時期的要求。半個世紀(jì)以來，美國在遙遠(yuǎn)的邊界上捍衛(wèi)著我們的自由，極權(quán)專政破產(chǎn)后我們有相對平靜、懶散的歲月，而后是火光四射的那一天。

我們已明了自身的弱點(diǎn)，我們也深知其根源。只要世界某些區(qū)域醞釀著不滿，滋生著暴君，就會產(chǎn)生宣揚(yáng)仇恨和為屠殺尋找借口的意識形態(tài)，就會聚集暴力和毀滅的能量，它們會越過嚴(yán)密把守的邊界帶來毀滅的威脅。這個世界只存在一種力量可以沖決仇恨、揭露暴君的虛偽、扶植容忍、培育尊嚴(yán)，那就是人類的自由。

我們受常識的指引和歷史的教誨得出如下結(jié)論：自由是否能在我們的土地上存在，正日益依賴于自由在別國的勝利。對和平的熱切期望只能源于自由在世界上的擴(kuò)展。

美國生死存亡的利益和我們基本的信念已合而為一。自立國始，我們就宣示：生于世間的每個人都擁有他們的權(quán)力、尊嚴(yán)和無可比擬的價值，因?yàn)樗麄儞碛袆?chuàng)造天地之神的形象。我們世代重申著民有政權(quán)的重要性，沒有什么人應(yīng)該是主人而另一些人應(yīng)該做奴隸。實(shí)現(xiàn)這一理念的使命是我們的立國之本。我們的先父榮耀地完成了這一使命。進(jìn)一步擴(kuò)展這一理念是國家安全的要求，是我們的當(dāng)務(wù)之急。

有鑒于此，美國的政策是尋求并支持世界各國和各種文化背景下成長的民主運(yùn)動，尋求并支持民主的制度化。最終的目標(biāo)是終結(jié)世間的任何極權(quán)制度。

這個目標(biāo)最終不應(yīng)由暴力達(dá)成，盡管在必要時我們將以武力自衛(wèi)，并保衛(wèi)我們的朋友。自由的性質(zhì)要求公民去自覺地選擇它，捍衛(wèi)它，并通過立法加以維護(hù)，同時保障弱勢者。當(dāng)一個國家的魂魄最終選擇自由時，它的制度將反映不同于我們的文化和傳統(tǒng)。美國不會強(qiáng)迫任何國家接受我們的國家體制。我們的目的是幫助其他國家找到自己的聲音，獲得自身的自由，發(fā)現(xiàn)自己的自由之路。

終結(jié)專制統(tǒng)治的巨大使命是幾代人努力的目標(biāo)，其難度不是無所作為的借口。美國的影響是有限的，但值得慶幸的是，美國的影響也是有力的，我們將充滿信心地在追求自由的道路上幫助你們。

我最莊嚴(yán)的責(zé)任是保護(hù)我的國家和它的人民不再受到任何襲擊和威脅。有些人不明智地選擇了試探美國的決心，他們發(fā)現(xiàn)了我們堅(jiān)定的意志。

我們堅(jiān)定地給每一位統(tǒng)治者和每一個國家提出這樣的選擇：請?jiān)趬浩?mdash;—這終究是錯的，與自由——這永遠(yuǎn)是正確的，之間做出道義的選擇。美國不會裝模作樣地默許被關(guān)押的異議者自我選擇了枷鎖，也不會默許婦女成為可恥的代名詞，看著她們變成奴仆，同樣不會默許任何人類的一員仰人鼻息地生活。

我們將鼓勵其他政府的改革，我們將明確表示若與美國建立良好的關(guān)系需要他們善待自己的公民。美國對人的尊嚴(yán)的信念將指導(dǎo)我們的政策，但是人民的權(quán)利并不是源于獨(dú)裁者違心的讓步，它們應(yīng)該源于人民有反對的自由和被統(tǒng)治者的平等參與。從長遠(yuǎn)看，沒有自由就沒有正義，沒有人民的自由就不存在人權(quán)。

我知道有些人質(zhì)疑全球自由，盡管經(jīng)過四十年自由迅猛的發(fā)展，這個懷疑似乎不合時宜。美國人民不應(yīng)被我們理念的力量所震驚，最終自由的呼喚將發(fā)自每一個心靈。我們拒絕接受永恒的專制，因?yàn)槲覀兙芙^接受永久的奴役。自由將來到熱愛她的人們中間。

今天，美國再次向世界人民宣布：那些生活在專制下絕望的人民應(yīng)該知道，美利堅(jiān)合眾國不會漠視你們被壓迫，不會原諒你們的壓迫者。當(dāng)你們保衛(wèi)自己的自由時，美國將站在你們的一邊。

那些面對壓制、監(jiān)禁和流放的民主變革的參與者應(yīng)該知道，美國知道你們的潛力，你們是自由國家未來的領(lǐng)袖。那些無法無天的統(tǒng)治者應(yīng)該知道，我們?nèi)匀槐в辛挚峡偨y(tǒng)的信念：“那些剝奪他人自由的人不配享有自由，而且在公正的上帝面前，他們也不會長久。”那些習(xí)慣于控制人民的統(tǒng)治者應(yīng)該知道，為了服務(wù)你的人民你應(yīng)該給予他們信任。開始踏上進(jìn)步和正義之路，那樣，美國將站在你這一邊。

美國的所有盟友們應(yīng)該知道，我們珍視我們的友誼，我們尊重你們的建議，我們依賴于你們的幫助。分裂自由國家的團(tuán)結(jié)是自由敵人的目的。自由國家相互配合地推進(jìn)民主是敵人失敗的開始。

今天，我也要對我的同胞和公民們說：我要求得到你們所有人的耐心，保衛(wèi)國家安全是艱巨的任務(wù)，這樣的耐心你們已經(jīng)給予我很多了。我們的國家承擔(dān)著一個困難重重的義務(wù)，中途放棄是可恥的。正是因?yàn)槲覀兝^續(xù)著我們國家解放者的傳統(tǒng)，成千上萬的人們獲得了自由。希望催生新的希望，更多的人將獲得自由。通過我們的努力，我們點(diǎn)燃了人們心中的火種，那火種溫暖著感受到它力量的人們，并燒毀那些試圖阻撓進(jìn)步的人。終有一天，這不可熄滅的自由之火將照亮這個世界最陰暗的角落。

一些美國人已經(jīng)接受這項(xiàng)事業(yè)中最困難的工作——那些默默無聞的情報(bào)和外交工作……那些幫助建立自由政府的理想主義的工作……那些打擊我們的敵人危險而必要的工作。他們中的一些人獻(xiàn)出了生命，他們的國家永遠(yuǎn)以他們?yōu)闃s——我們也會永遠(yuǎn)記住他們的名字和他們的貢獻(xiàn)。

所有的美國人都見證了這種理想主義，有些人是第一次看到。我要求我們的青年公民相信自己的親眼所見。你們看到了我們的士兵充滿責(zé)任和忠誠的堅(jiān)毅面孔，你們也看到了生命的脆弱和魔鬼的真實(shí)，你們更看到了戰(zhàn)勝邪惡的勇氣。請選擇參加這一進(jìn)程，它比起個人需要重要得多，比個人自身偉大得多。一旦輪到你們，你們不但為我們的國家增加了財(cái)富，也將為她增添光彩。

美國需要理想主義和勇氣，因?yàn)槲覀円瓿蓢鴥?nèi)的任務(wù)——美國自由的未競之業(yè)。在一個走向自由的世界里，我們要展示自由的真義和自由的承諾。

在美國自由的信念里，公民享有尊嚴(yán)和經(jīng)濟(jì)上的獨(dú)立，不是生活在潦倒的邊緣。這是更廣義自由的定義，它促生了《房屋法案》《社會安全法案》和《人權(quán)法案》?，F(xiàn)在，我們將改革形成偉大的制度來服務(wù)于我們的時代，并擴(kuò)展這一定義。每個美國人將分享國家的承諾和未來。我們將用最高的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)來要求我們的學(xué)校，建立一個有產(chǎn)者的社會。我們要讓更多的人擁有自己的住房和事業(yè)，擁有自己的退休基金和醫(yī)療保險。讓我們的人民對自由社會未來的挑戰(zhàn)做好準(zhǔn)備，讓每個公民做自己命運(yùn)的主人。我們將把美國人民從匱乏和擔(dān)憂中解脫出來，并把我們的社會建成更為富強(qiáng)平等的社會。

在美國的自由信念中，公共利益依賴于個人品質(zhì)，這包括完善的人格和寬容他人，以及有理性的生活。自我管理依賴于管理良好的自我。品格大廈的建立來自于家庭，以及社會對道德標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的支持，并在國家生活里貫徹始終。它依賴于西奈的真知、寶山臨訓(xùn)、可蘭經(jīng)的教誨，與各種各樣的信仰。它在每一代美國人民的推動下前進(jìn)著，他們堅(jiān)信源于歷史的公益和真實(shí)——公正的理念和行為都是相同的，無論過去、現(xiàn)在，還是永遠(yuǎn)的未來。

在美國自由的信念中，個人權(quán)力的運(yùn)用是由服務(wù)，寬容和對弱者的同情構(gòu)成的。為全體的自由并不意味著人們的互相背離。我們國家依賴于那些互相守望的鄰里和用愛圍繞失落者的人們。美國人最良好的表現(xiàn)在于珍重我們每一個人的生活，而且永遠(yuǎn)記得那些所謂無用之輩也有他們的價值。我們的國家一定要丟棄一切種族主義的偏見，因?yàn)橐牢覀儾豢赡芗缲?fù)自由的使命而又同時攜帶偏見的包袱。

從每一天看，就以今天為例，我們國家面臨著諸多問題。從一個世紀(jì)看，我們面對的問題是集中而突出的。我們這一代有沒有拓展自由的疆界?我們的所作所為有沒有為這事業(yè)增添光彩?

這些問題是我們的裁判，并且團(tuán)結(jié)了我們。因?yàn)闊o論是任何黨派或背景的美國人，移民或出生于此的美國人，在自由的道路上都是不可分離的。我們知道分裂必須彌合我們才能向偉大的目標(biāo)前進(jìn)，我將做出最大的努力去彌合分裂，但是這種裂痕不能左右美國。當(dāng)自由受到威脅時，我們深感相互的團(tuán)結(jié)和關(guān)聯(lián)，我們的反擊也如出自同手一心。當(dāng)美國仗義而行，當(dāng)災(zāi)民們得到救助，當(dāng)正義得到伸張，當(dāng)人民獲得自由，我們也同樣自豪地感到我們是統(tǒng)一體。

我們所有人都滿懷信心地踏著自由勝利之路前進(jìn)。這并非因?yàn)檫@是不可避免的歷史進(jìn)程，而是因?yàn)槿祟惖倪x擇促成進(jìn)步。我們并不認(rèn)為我們的國家就是上帝的選民，上帝自有他的意志和選擇。我們堅(jiān)信這是因?yàn)樽杂墒侨祟愑篮愕南Ｍ?，是黑暗中的渴望，是靈魂的渴望。當(dāng)我們的立國先賢宣布新時代的準(zhǔn)則時，當(dāng)一批批士兵為了保衛(wèi)基于自由的聯(lián)邦而犧牲時，當(dāng)公民手舉“立即自由”的橫幅和平抗議時——他們在實(shí)踐著那古老的希望，這希望一定會成為現(xiàn)實(shí)。雖然公正在歷史上潮起潮落，但是歷史也有一條清晰的脈絡(luò)，那是由自由和自由的實(shí)踐者確定的。

當(dāng)?shù)谝淮螌娦x獨(dú)立宣言時，自由的鐘聲由此敲響。一個親眼目睹的人這樣說道：“它在鳴響著，似乎意味深長。”在我們的時代，這鐘聲依然意味深長。美國在新的世紀(jì)向世界，向所有它的居民傳播著自由。我們充滿活力，我們經(jīng)歷過艱難的斗爭，但并沒有疲倦，-我們已做好準(zhǔn)備去完成自由史上最偉大的功績。

上帝保佑你們，愿他眷顧美國。