【奧巴馬】2012國(guó)情咨文——2012年1月24日美國(guó)眾議院

2012國(guó)情咨文——2012年1月24日美國(guó)眾議院

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:

Last month, I went to Andrews Air Force Base and welcomed home some of our last troops to serve in Iraq. Together, we offered a final, proud salute to the colors under which more than a million of our fellow citizens fought—and several thousand gave their lives.

We gather tonight knowing that this generation of heroes has made the United States safer and more respected around the world. For the first time in nine years, there are no Americans fighting in Iraq. For the first time in two decades, Osama bin Laden is not a threat to this country. Most of al Qaeda’s top lieutenants have been defeated. The Taliban’s momentum has been broken, and some troops in Afghanistan have begun to come home.

These achievements are a testament to the courage, selflessness and teamwork of America’s Armed Forces. At a time when too many of our institutions have let us down, they exceed all expectations. They’re not consumed with personal ambition. They don’t obsess over their differences. They focus on the mission at hand. They work together.

Imagine what we could accomplish if we followed their example. Think about the America within our reach: A country that leads the world in educating its people. An America that attracts a new generation of high-tech manufacturing and high-paying jobs. A future where we’re in control of our own energy, and our security and prosperity aren’t so tied to unstable parts of the world. An economy built to last, where hard work pays off, and responsibility is rewarded.

We can do this. I know we can, because we’ve done it before. At the end of World War II, when another generation of heroes returned home from combat, they built the strongest economy and middle class the world has ever known. My grandfather, a veteran of Patton’s Army, got the chance to go to college on the GI Bill. My grandmother, who worked on a bomber assembly line, was part of a workforce that turned out the best products on Earth. The two of them shared the optimism of a nation that had triumphed over a depression and fascism. They understood they were part of something larger; that they were contributing to a story of success that every American had a chance to share—the basic American promise that if you worked hard, you could do well enough to raise a family, own a home, send your kids to college, and put a little away for retirement.

The defining issue of our time is how to keep that promise alive. No challenge is more urgent. No debate is more important. We can either settle for a country where a shrinking number of people do really well while a growing number of Americans barely get by, or we can restore an economy where everyone gets a fair shot, and everyone does their fair share, and everyone plays by the same set of rules. What’s at stake aren’t Democratic values or Republican values, but American values. And we have to reclaim them.

Let’s remember how we got here. Long before the recession, jobs and manufacturing began leaving our shores. Technology made businesses more efficient, but also made some jobs obsolete. Folks at the top saw their incomes rise like never before, but most hardworking Americans struggled with costs that were growing, paychecks that weren’t, and personal debt that kept piling up.

In 2008, the house of cards collapsed. We learned that mortgages had been sold to people who couldn’t afford or understand them. Banks had made huge bets and bonuses with other people’s money. Regulators had looked the other way, or didn’t have the authority to stop the bad behavior. It was wrong. It was irresponsible. And it plunged our economy into a crisis that put millions out of work, saddled us with more debt, and left innocent, hardworking Americans holding the bag. In the six months before I took office, we lost nearly 4 million jobs. And we lost another 4 million before our policies were in full effect.

Those are the facts. But so are these: In the last 22 months, businesses have created more than 3 million jobs. Last year, they created the most jobs since 2005. American manufacturers are hiring again, creating jobs for the first time since the late 1990s. Together, we’ve agreed to cut the deficit by more than $2 trillion. And we’ve put in place new rules to hold Wall Street accountable, so a crisis like this never happens again.

The state of our Union is getting stronger. And we’ve come too far to turn back now. As long as I’m President, I will work with anyone in this chamber to build on this momentum. But I intend to fight obstruction with action, and I will oppose any effort to return to the very same policies that brought on this economic crisis in the first place. No, we will not go back to an economy weakened by outsourcing, bad debt, and phony financial profits.

Tonight, I want to speak about how we move forward, and lay out a blueprint for an economy that’s built to last—an economy built on American manufacturing, American energy, skills for American workers, and a renewal of American values.

Now, this blueprint begins with American manufacturing.

On the day I took office, our auto industry was on the verge of collapse. Some even said we should let it die. With a million jobs at stake, I refused to let that happen. In exchange for help, we demanded responsibility. We got workers and automakers to settle their differences. We got the industry to retool and restructure. Today, General Motors is back on top as the world’s number-one automaker. Chrysler has grown faster in the U.S. than any major car company. Ford is investing billions in U.S. plants and factories. And together, the entire industry added nearly 160,000 jobs. We bet on American workers. We bet on American ingenuity. And tonight, the American auto industry is back.

What’s happening in Detroit can happen in other industries. It can happen in Cleveland and Pittsburgh and Raleigh. We can’t bring every job back that’s left our shore. But right now, it’s getting more expensive to do business in places like China. Meanwhile, America is more productive. A few weeks ago, the CEO of Master Lock told me that it now makes business sense for him to bring jobs back home. Today, for the first time in 15 years, Master Lock’s unionized plant in Milwaukee is running at full capacity.

So we have a huge opportunity, at this moment, to bring manufacturing back. But we have to seize it. Tonight, my message to business leaders is simple: Ask yourselves what you can do to bring jobs back to your country, and your country will do everything we can to help you succeed.

We should start with our tax code. Right now, companies get tax breaks for moving jobs and profits overseas. Meanwhile, companies that choose to stay in America get hit with one of the highest tax rates in the world. It makes no sense, and everyone knows it. So let’s change it.

First, if you’re a business that wants to outsource jobs, you shouldn’t get a tax deduction for doing it. That money should be used to cover moving expenses for companies like Master Lock that decide to bring jobs home. Second, no American company should be able to avoid paying its fair share of taxes by moving jobs and profits overseas. From now on, every multinational company should have to pay a basic minimum tax. And every penny should go towards lowering taxes for companies that choose to stay here and hire here in America. Third, if you’re an American manufacturer, you should get a bigger tax cut. If you’re a high-tech manufacturer, we should double the tax deduction you get for making your products here. And if you want to relocate in a community that was hit hard when a factory left town, you should get help financing a new plant, equipment, or training for new workers.

So my message is simple. It is time to stop rewarding businesses that ship jobs overseas, and start rewarding companies that create jobs right here in America. Send me these tax reforms, and I will sign them right away.

We’re also making it easier for American businesses to sell products all over the world. Two years ago, I set a goal of doubling U.S. exports over five years. With the bipartisan trade agreements we signed into law, we’re on track to meet that goal ahead of schedule. And soon, there will be millions of new customers for American goods in Panama, Colombia, and South Korea. Soon, there will be new cars on the streets of Seoul imported from Detroit, and Toledo, and Chicago.

I will go anywhere in the world to open new markets for American products. And I will not stand by when our competitors don’t play by the rules. We’ve brought trade cases against China at nearly twice the rate as the last administration—and it’s made a difference. Over a thousand Americans are working today because we stopped a surge in Chinese tires. But we need to do more. It’s not right when another country lets our movies, music, and software be pirated. It’s not fair when foreign manufacturers have a leg up on ours only because they’re heavily subsidized.

Tonight, I’m announcing the creation of a Trade Enforcement Unit that will be charged with investigating unfair trading practices in countries like China. There will be more inspections to prevent counterfeit or unsafe goods from crossing our borders. And this Congress should make sure that no foreign company has an advantage over American manufacturing when it comes to accessing financing or new markets like Russia. Our workers are the most productive on Earth, and if the playing field is level, I promise you—America will always win.

I also hear from many business leaders who want to hire in the United States but can’t find workers with the right skills. Growing industries in science and technology have twice as many openings as we have workers who can do the job. Think about that—openings at a time when millions of Americans are looking for work. It’s inexcusable. And we know how to fix it.

Jackie Bray is a single mom from North Carolina who was laid off from her job as a mechanic. Then Siemens opened a gas turbine factory in Charlotte, and formed a partnership with Central Piedmont Community College. The company helped the college design courses in laser and robotics training. It paid Jackie’s tuition, then hired her to help operate their plant.

I want every American looking for work to have the same opportunity as Jackie did. Join me in a national commitment to train 2 million Americans with skills that will lead directly to a job. My administration has already lined up more companies that want to help. Model partnerships between businesses like Siemens and community colleges in places like Charlotte, and Orlando, and Louisville are up and running. Now you need to give more community colleges the resources they need to become community career centers—places that teach people skills that businesses are looking for right now, from data management to high-tech manufacturing.

And I want to cut through the maze of confusing training programs, so that from now on, people like Jackie have one program, one website, and one place to go for all the information and help that they need. It is time to turn our unemployment system into a reemployment system that puts people to work. These reforms will help people get jobs that are open today.

But to prepare for the jobs of tomorrow, our commitment to skills and education has to start earlier. For less than 1 percent of what our nation spends on education each year, we’ve convinced nearly every state in the country to raise their standards for teaching and learning—the first time that’s happened in a generation. But challenges remain. And we know how to solve them.

At a time when other countries are doubling down on education, tight budgets have forced states to lay off thousands of teachers. We know a good teacher can increase the lifetime income of a classroom by over $250,000. A great teacher can offer an escape from poverty to the child who dreams beyond his circumstance. Every person in this chamber can point to a teacher who changed the trajectory of their lives. Most teachers work tirelessly, with modest pay, sometimes digging into their own pocket for school supplies—just to make a difference.

Teachers matter. So instead of bashing them, or defending the status quo, let’s offer schools a deal. Give them the resources to keep good teachers on the job, and reward the best ones. And in return, grant schools flexibility: to teach with creativity and passion; to stop teaching to the test; and to replace teachers who just aren’t helping kids learn. That’s a bargain worth making.

We also know that when students don’t walk away from their education, more of them walk the stage to get their diploma. When students are not allowed to drop out, they do better. So tonight, I am proposing that every state—every state—requires that all students stay in high school until they graduate or turn 18.

When kids do graduate, the most daunting challenge can be the cost of college. At a time when Americans owe more in tuition debt than credit card debt, this Congress needs to stop the interest rates on student loans from doubling in July. Extend the tuition tax credit we started that saves millions of middle-class families thousands of dollars, and give more young people the chance to earn their way through college by doubling the number of work-study jobs in the next five years.

Of course, it’s not enough for us to increase student aid. We can’t just keep subsidizing skyrocketing tuition; we’ll run out of money. States also need to do their part, by making higher education a higher priority in their budgets. And colleges and universities have to do their part by working to keep costs down.

Recently, I spoke with a group of college presidents who’ve done just that. Some schools redesign courses to help students finish more quickly. Some use better technology. The point is, it’s possible. So let me put colleges and universities on notice: If you can’t stop tuition from going up, the funding you get from taxpayers will go down. Higher education can’t be a luxury—it is an economic imperative that every family in America should be able to afford.

Let’s also remember that hundreds of thousands of talented, hardworking students in this country face another challenge: the fact that they aren’t yet American citizens. Many were brought here as small children, are American through and through, yet they live every day with the threat of deportation. Others came more recently, to study business and science and engineering, but as soon as they get their degree, we send them home to invent new products and create new jobs somewhere else.

That doesn’t make sense.

I believe as strongly as ever that we should take on illegal immigration. That’s why my administration has put more boots on the border than ever before. That’s why there are fewer illegal crossings than when I took office. The opponents of action are out of excuses. We should be working on comprehensive immigration reform right now.

But if election-year politics keeps Congress from acting on a comprehensive plan, let’s at least agree to stop expelling responsible young people who want to staff our labs, start new businesses, defend this country. Send me a law that gives them the chance to earn their citizenship. I will sign it right away.

You see, an economy built to last is one where we encourage the talent and ingenuity of every person in this country. That means women should earn equal pay for equal work. It means we should support everyone who’s willing to work, and every risk-taker and entrepreneur who aspires to become the next Steve Jobs.

After all, innovation is what America has always been about. Most new jobs are created in start-ups and small businesses. So let’s pass an agenda that helps them succeed. Tear down regulations that prevent aspiring entrepreneurs from getting the financing to grow. Expand tax relief to small businesses that are raising wages and creating good jobs. Both parties agree on these ideas. So put them in a bill, and get it on my desk this year.

Innovation also demands basic research. Today, the discoveries taking place in our federally financed labs and universities could lead to new treatments that kill cancer cells but leave healthy ones untouched. New lightweight vests for cops and soldiers that can stop any bullet. Don’t gut these investments in our budget. Don’t let other countries win the race for the future. Support the same kind of research and innovation that led to the computer chip and the Internet; to new American jobs and new American industries.

And nowhere is the promise of innovation greater than in American-made energy. Over the last three years, we’ve opened millions of new acres for oil and gas exploration, and tonight, I’m directing my administration to open more than 75 percent of our potential offshore oil and gas resources. Right now—right now—American oil production is the highest that it’s been in eight years. That’s right—eight years. Not only that—last year, we relied less on foreign oil than in any of the past 16 years. But with only 2 percent of the world’s oil reserves, oil isn’t enough. This country needs an all-out, all-of-the-above strategy that develops every available source of American energy. A strategy that’s cleaner, cheaper, and full of new jobs.

We have a supply of natural gas that can last America nearly 100 years. And my administration will take every possible action to safely develop this energy. Experts believe this will support more than 600,000 jobs by the end of the decade. And I’m requiring all companies that drill for gas on public lands to disclose the chemicals they use. Because America will develop this resource without putting the health and safety of our citizens at risk.

The development of natural gas will create jobs and power trucks and factories that are cleaner and cheaper, proving that we don’t have to choose between our environment and our economy. And by the way, it was public research dollars, over the course of 30 years, that helped develop the technologies to extract all this natural gas out of shale rock—reminding us that government support is critical in helping businesses get new energy ideas off the ground.

Now, what’s true for natural gas is just as true for clean energy. In three years, our partnership with the private sector has already positioned America to be the world’s leading manufacturer of high-tech batteries. Because of federal investments, renewable energy use has nearly doubled, and thousands of Americans have jobs because of it.

When Bryan Ritterby was laid off from his job making furniture, he said he worried that at 55, no one would give him a second chance. But he found work at Energetx, a wind turbine manufacturer in Michigan. Before the recession, the factory only made luxury yachts. Today, it’s hiring workers like Bryan, who said, “I’m proud to be working in the industry of the future.”

Our experience with shale gas, our experience with natural gas, shows us that the payoffs on these public investments don’t always come right away. Some technologies don’t pan out; some companies fail. But I will not walk away from the promise of clean energy. I will not walk away from workers like Bryan. I will not cede the wind or solar or battery industry to China or Germany because we refuse to make the same commitment here.

We’ve subsidized oil companies for a century. That’s long enough. It’s time to end the taxpayer giveaways to an industry that rarely has been more profitable, and double-down on a clean energy industry that never has been more promising. Pass clean energy tax credits. Create these jobs.

We can also spur energy innovation with new incentives. The differences in this chamber may be too deep right now to pass a comprehensive plan to fight climate change. But there’s no reason why Congress shouldn’t at least set a clean energy standard that creates a market for innovation. So far, you haven’t acted. Well, tonight, I will. I’m directing my administration to allow the development of clean energy on enough public land to power 3 million homes. And I’m proud to announce that the Department of Defense, working with us, the world’s largest consumer of energy, will make one of the largest commitments to clean energy in history—with the Navy purchasing enough capacity to power a quarter of a million homes a year.

Of course, the easiest way to save money is to waste less energy. So here’s a proposal: Help manufacturers eliminate energy waste in their factories and give businesses incentives to upgrade their buildings. Their energy bills will be $100 billion lower over the next decade, and America will have less pollution, more manufacturing, more jobs for construction workers who need them. Send me a bill that creates these jobs.

Building this new energy future should be just one part of a broader agenda to repair America’s infrastructure. So much of America needs to be rebuilt. We’ve got crumbling roads and bridges; a power grid that wastes too much energy; an incomplete high-speed broadband network that prevents a small business owner in rural America from selling her products all over the world.

During the Great Depression, America built the Hoover Dam and the Golden Gate Bridge. After World War II, we connected our states with a system of highways. Democratic and Republican administrations invested in great projects that benefited everybody, from the workers who built them to the businesses that still use them today.

In the next few weeks, I will sign an executive order clearing away the red tape that slows down too many construction projects. But you need to fund these projects. Take the money we’re no longer spending at war, use half of it to pay down our debt, and use the rest to do some nation-building right here at home.

There’s never been a better time to build, especially since the construction industry was one of the hardest hit when the housing bubble burst. Of course, construction workers weren’t the only ones who were hurt. So were millions of innocent Americans who’ve seen their home values decline. And while government can’t fix the problem on its own, responsible homeowners shouldn’t have to sit and wait for the housing market to hit bottom to get some relief.

And that’s why I’m sending this Congress a plan that gives every responsible homeowner the chance to save about $3,000 a year on their mortgage, by refinancing at historically low rates. No more red tape. No more runaround from the banks. A small fee on the largest financial institutions will ensure that it won’t add to the deficit and will give those banks that were rescued by taxpayers a chance to repay a deficit of trust.

Let’s never forget: Millions of Americans who work hard and play by the rules every day deserve a government and a financial system that do the same. It’s time to apply the same rules from top to bottom. No bailouts, no handouts, and no copouts. An America built to last insists on responsibility from everybody.

We’ve all paid the price for lenders who sold mortgages to people who couldn’t afford them, and buyers who knew they couldn’t afford them. That’s why we need smart regulations to prevent irresponsible behavior. Rules to prevent financial fraud or toxic dumping or faulty medical devices—these don’t destroy the free market. They make the free market work better.

There’s no question that some regulations are outdated, unnecessary, or too costly. In fact, I’ve approved fewer regulations in the first three years of my presidency than my Republican predecessor did in his. I’ve ordered every federal agency to eliminate rules that don’t make sense. We’ve already announced over 500 reforms, and just a fraction of them will save business and citizens more than $10 billion over the next five years.

We got rid of one rule from 40 years ago that could have forced some dairy farmers to spend $10,000 a year proving that they could contain a spill, because milk was somehow classified as an oil. With a rule like that, I guess it was worth crying over spilled milk. Now, I’m confident a farmer can contain a milk spill without a federal agency looking over his shoulder. Absolutely.

But I will not back down from making sure an oil company can contain the kind of oil spill we saw in the Gulf two years ago. I will not back down from protecting our kids from mercury poisoning, or making sure that our food is safe and our water is clean. I will not go back to the days when health insurance companies had unchecked power to cancel your policy, deny your coverage, or charge women differently than men.

And I will not go back to the days when Wall Street was allowed to play by its own set of rules. The new rules we passed restore what should be any financial system’s core purpose: Getting funding to entrepreneurs with the best ideas, and getting loans to responsible families who want to buy a home, or start a business, or send their kids to college.

So if you are a big bank or financial institution, you’re no longer allowed to make risky bets with your customers’ deposits. You’re required to write out a “living will” that details exactly how you’ll pay the bills if you fail—because the rest of us are not bailing you out ever again. And if you’re a mortgage lender or a payday lender or a credit card company, the days of signing people up for products they can’t afford with confusing forms and deceptive practices—those days are over. Today, American consumers finally have a watchdog in Richard Cordray with one job: To look out for them.

We’ll also establish a Financial Crimes Unit of highly trained investigators to crack down on large-scale fraud and protect people’s investments. Some financial firms violate major anti-fraud laws because there’s no real penalty for being a repeat offender. That’s bad for consumers, and it’s bad for the vast majority of bankers and financial service professionals who do the right thing. So pass legislation that makes the penalties for fraud count.

And tonight, I’m asking my Attorney General to create a special unit of federal prosecutors and leading state attorney general to expand our investigations into the abusive lending and packaging of risky mortgages that led to the housing crisis. This new unit will hold accountable those who broke the law, speed assistance to homeowners, and help turn the page on an era of recklessness that hurt so many Americans.

Now, a return to the American values of fair play and shared responsibility will help protect our people and our economy. But it should also guide us as we look to pay down our debt and invest in our future.

Right now, our most immediate priority is stopping a tax hike on 160 million working Americans while the recovery is still fragile. People cannot afford losing $40 out of each paycheck this year. There are plenty of ways to get this done. So let’s agree right here, right now: No side issues. No drama. Pass the payroll tax cut without delay. Let’s get it done.

When it comes to the deficit, we’ve already agreed to more than $2 trillion in cuts and savings. But we need to do more, and that means making choices. Right now, we’re poised to spend nearly $1 trillion more on what was supposed to be a temporary tax break for the wealthiest 2 percent of Americans. Right now, because of loopholes and shelters in the tax code, a quarter of all millionaires pay lower tax rates than millions of middle-class households. Right now, Warren Buffett pays a lower tax rate than his secretary. Do we want to keep these tax cuts for the wealthiest Americans? Or do we want to keep our investments in everything else—like education and medical research; a strong military and care for our veterans? Because if we’re serious about paying down our debt, we can’t do both.

The American people know what the right choice is. So do I. As I told the Speaker this summer, I’m prepared to make more reforms that rein in the long-term costs of Medicare and Medicaid, and strengthen Social Security, so long as those programs remain a guarantee of security for seniors.

But in return, we need to change our tax code so that people like me, and an awful lot of members of Congress, pay our fair share of taxes. Tax reform should follow the Buffett Rule. If you make more than $1 million a year, you should not pay less than 30 percent in taxes. And my Republican friend Tom Coburn is right: Washington should stop subsidizing millionaires. In fact, if you’re earning a million dollars a year, you shouldn’t get special tax subsidies or deductions. On the other hand, if you make under $250,000 a year, like 98 percent of American families, your taxes shouldn’t go up. You’re the ones struggling with rising costs and stagnant wages. You’re the ones who need relief. Now, you can call this class warfare all you want. But asking a billionaire to pay at least as much as his secretary in taxes? Most Americans would call that common sense.

We don’t begrudge financial success in this country. We admire it. When Americans talk about folks like me paying my fair share of taxes, it’s not because they envy the rich. It’s because they understand that when I get a tax break I don’t need and the country can’t afford, it either adds to the deficit, or somebody else has to make up the difference—like a senior on a fixed income, or a student trying to get through school, or a family trying to make ends meet. That’s not right. Americans know that’s not right. They know that this generation’s success is only possible because past generations felt a responsibility to each other, and to the future of their country, and they know our way of life will only endure if we feel that same sense of shared responsibility. That’s how we’ll reduce our deficit. That’s an America built to last.

Now, I recognize that people watching tonight have differing views about taxes and debt, energy and health care. But no matter what party they belong to, I bet most Americans are thinking the same thing right about now: Nothing will get done in Washington this year, or next year, or maybe even the year after that, because Washington is broken. Can you blame them for feeling a little cynical?

The greatest blow to our confidence in our economy last year didn’t come from events beyond our control. It came from a debate in Washington over whether the United States would pay its bills or not. Who benefited from that fiasco?

I’ve talked tonight about the deficit of trust between Main Street and Wall Street. But the divide between this city and the rest of the country is at least as bad—and it seems to get worse every year.

Some of this has to do with the corrosive influence of money in politics. So together, let’s take some steps to fix that. Send me a bill that bans insider trading by members of Congress; I will sign it tomorrow. Let’s limit any elected official from owning stocks in industries they impact. Let’s make sure people who bundle campaign contributions for Congress can’t lobby Congress, and vice versa—an idea that has bipartisan support, at least outside of Washington.

Some of what’s broken has to do with the way Congress does its business these days. A simple majority is no longer enough to get anything—even routine business—passed through the Senate. Neither party has been blameless in these tactics. Now both parties should put an end to it. For starters, I ask the Senate to pass a simple rule that all judicial and public service nominations receive a simple up or down vote within 90 days.

The executive branch also needs to change. Too often, it’s inefficient, outdated and remote. That’s why I’ve asked this Congress to grant me the authority to consolidate the federal bureaucracy, so that our government is leaner, quicker, and more responsive to the needs of the American people.

Finally, none of this can happen unless we also lower the temperature in this town. We need to end the notion that the two parties must be locked in a perpetual campaign of mutual destruction; that politics is about clinging to rigid ideologies instead of building consensus around common-sense ideas.

I’m a Democrat. But I believe what Republican Abraham Lincoln believed: That government should do for people only what they cannot do better by themselves, and no more. That’s why my education reform offers more competition, and more control for schools and states. That’s why we’re getting rid of regulations that don’t work. That’s why our health care law relies on a reformed private market, not a government program.

On the other hand, even my Republican friends who complain the most about government spending have supported federally financed roads, and clean energy projects, and federal offices for the folks back home.

The point is, we should all want a smarter, more effective government. And while we may not be able to bridge our biggest philosophical differences this year, we can make real progress. With or without this Congress, I will keep taking actions that help the economy grow. But I can do a whole lot more with your help. Because when we act together, there’s nothing the United States of America can’t achieve. That’s the lesson we’ve learned from our actions abroad over the last few years.

Ending the Iraq war has allowed us to strike decisive blows against our enemies. From Pakistan to Yemen, the al Qaeda operatives who remain are scrambling, knowing that they can’t escape the reach of the United States of America.

From this position of strength, we’ve begun to wind down the war in Afghanistan. Ten thousand of our troops have come home. Twenty-three thousand more will leave by the end of this summer. This transition to Afghan lead will continue, and we will build an enduring partnership with Afghanistan, so that it is never again a source of attacks against America.

As the tide of war recedes, a wave of change has washed across the Middle East and North Africa, from Tunis to Cairo; from Sana’a to Tripoli. A year ago, Qaddafi was one of the world’s longest-serving dictators—a murderer with American blood on his hands. Today, he is gone. And in Syria, I have no doubt that the Assad regime will soon discover that the forces of change cannot be reversed, and that human dignity cannot be denied.

How this incredible transformation will end remains uncertain. But we have a huge stake in the outcome. And while it’s ultimately up to the people of the region to decide their fate, we will advocate for those values that have served our own country so well. We will stand against violence and intimidation. We will stand for the rights and dignity of all human beings—men and women; Christians, Muslims and Jews. We will support policies that lead to strong and stable democracies and open markets, because tyranny is no match for liberty.

And we will safeguard America’s own security against those who threaten our citizens, our friends, and our interests. Look at Iran. Through the power of our diplomacy, a world that was once divided about how to deal with Iran’s nuclear program now stands as one. The regime is more isolated than ever before; its leaders are faced with crippling sanctions, and as long as they shirk their responsibilities, this pressure will not relent. Let there be no doubt: America is determined to prevent Iran from getting a nuclear weapon, and I will take no options off the table to achieve that goal. But a peaceful resolution of this issue is still possible, and far better, and if Iran changes course and meets its obligations, it can rejoin the community of nations.

The renewal of American leadership can be felt across the globe. Our oldest alliances in Europe and Asia are stronger than ever. Our ties to the Americas are deeper. Our ironclad commitment—and I mean ironclad—to Israel’s security has meant the closest military cooperation between our two countries in history.

We’ve made it clear that America is a Pacific power, and a new beginning in Burma has lit a new hope. From the coalitions we’ve built to secure nuclear materials, to the missions we’ve led against hunger and disease; from the blows we’ve dealt to our enemies, to the enduring power of our moral example, America is back.

Anyone who tells you otherwise, anyone who tells you that America is in decline or that our influence has waned, doesn’t know what they’re talking about.

That’s not the message we get from leaders around the world who are eager to work with us. That’s not how people feel from Tokyo to Berlin, from Cape Town to Rio, where opinions of America are higher than they’ve been in years. Yes, the world is changing. No, we can’t control every event. But America remains the one indispensable nation in world affairs and as long as I’m President, I intend to keep it that way.

That’s why, working with our military leaders, I’ve proposed a new defense strategy that ensures we maintain the finest military in the world, while saving nearly half a trillion dollars in our budget. To stay one step ahead of our adversaries, I’ve already sent this Congress legislation that will secure our country from the growing dangers of cyber-threats.

Above all, our freedom endures because of the men and women in uniform who defend it. As they come home, we must serve them as well as they’ve served us. That includes giving them the care and the benefits they have earned—which is why we’ve increased annual VA spending every year I’ve been President. And it means enlisting our veterans in the work of rebuilding our nation.

With the bipartisan support of this Congress, we’re providing new tax credits to companies that hire vets. Michelle and Jill Biden have worked with American businesses to secure a pledge of 135,000 jobs for veterans and their families. And tonight, I’m proposing a Veterans Jobs Corps that will help our communities hire veterans as cops and firefighters, so that America is as strong as those who defend her.

Which brings me back to where I began. Those of us who’ve been sent here to serve can learn a thing or two from the service of our troops. When you put on that uniform, it doesn’t matter if you’re black or white; Asian, Latino, Native American; conservative, liberal; rich, poor; gay, straight. When you’re marching into battle, you look out for the person next to you, or the mission fails. When you’re in the thick of the fight, you rise or fall as one unit, serving one nation, leaving no one behind.

One of my proudest possessions is the flag that the SEAL Team took with them on the mission to get bin Laden. On it are each of their names. Some may be Democrats. Some may be Republicans. But that doesn’t matter. Just like it didn’t matter that day in the Situation Room, when I sat next to Bob Gates—a man who was George Bush’s defense secretary and Hillary Clinton—a woman who ran against me for president.

All that mattered that day was the mission. No one thought about politics. No one thought about themselves. One of the young men involved in the raid later told me that he didn’t deserve credit for the mission. It only succeeded, he said, because every single member of that unit did their job—the pilot who landed the helicopter that spun out of control; the translator who kept others from entering the compound; the troops who separated the women and children from the fight; the SEALs who charged up the stairs. More than that, the mission only succeeded because every member of that unit trusted each other—because you can’t charge up those stairs, into darkness and danger, unless you know that there’s somebody behind you, watching your back.

So it is with America. Each time I look at that flag, I’m reminded that our destiny is stitched together like those 50 stars and those 13 stripes. No one built this country on their own. This nation is great because we built it together. This nation is great because we worked as a team. This nation is great because we get each other’s backs. And if we hold fast to that truth, in this moment of trial, there is no challenge too great; no mission too hard. As long as we are joined in common purpose, as long as we maintain our common resolve, our journey moves forward, and our future is hopeful, and the state of our Union will always be strong.

Thank you, God bless you, and God bless the United States of America.

眾議院議長(zhǎng)先生、副總統(tǒng)先生、各位國(guó)會(huì)議員、貴賓們和美國(guó)同胞們：

上個(gè)月，我前往安德魯斯空軍基地，歡迎在伊拉克服役的最后一批軍人回國(guó)。我們一起最后驕傲地向國(guó)旗敬禮。一百多萬(wàn)美國(guó)同胞曾為之作戰(zhàn)，其中數(shù)千人獻(xiàn)出了自己的生命。

我們今晚聚集在此，深知這一代的英雄使美國(guó)更安全，在全世界更受尊敬?，F(xiàn)在不再有美國(guó)人在伊拉克作戰(zhàn)，這是九年來(lái)的第一次。烏薩馬·拉登不再對(duì)美國(guó)構(gòu)成威脅，這是二十年來(lái)的第一次。“基地”的大多數(shù)頭目都已潰散，塔利班的氣焰已經(jīng)破滅。駐阿富汗的一些部隊(duì)已經(jīng)開始撤回國(guó)內(nèi)。

這些成就見證了美國(guó)軍隊(duì)的英勇無(wú)畏、無(wú)私和團(tuán)隊(duì)精神。在我們的許多機(jī)構(gòu)都令人失望之時(shí)，他們的作為超出了所有人的期望。他們不沉溺于個(gè)人的欲望，他們不計(jì)較相互間的分歧，他們?nèi)褙炞⒂诩缲?fù)的使命，他們?yōu)榇送膮f(xié)力。

可以想象，如果我們以他們?yōu)榘駱樱覀兡芡瓿墒裁礃拥臉I(yè)績(jī)。想一想我們可以為美國(guó)實(shí)現(xiàn)的目標(biāo)：人民接受的教育領(lǐng)先全世界;吸引新一代高科技制造業(yè)和高薪工作;實(shí)現(xiàn)我們的未來(lái)，由我們自己掌握能源，我們的安全和繁榮不再依賴世界上某些不穩(wěn)定地區(qū);經(jīng)濟(jì)長(zhǎng)盛不衰，辛勤工作總有回報(bào)，盡職盡責(zé)受到獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)。

我們可以做到這一點(diǎn)。我知道我們可以，因?yàn)槲覀冊(cè)@樣做過(guò)。二戰(zhàn)結(jié)束時(shí)，上一代英雄離開戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)返回家園，建成全世界迄今為止最強(qiáng)大的經(jīng)濟(jì)體和中產(chǎn)階級(jí)。我祖父，巴頓麾下的老兵，有機(jī)會(huì)借助《退伍軍人法》上大學(xué)。我祖母，在一個(gè)轟炸機(jī)裝配線上工作，作為勞動(dòng)大軍的一員生產(chǎn)全世界第一流產(chǎn)品。他們兩個(gè)人都發(fā)揚(yáng)了戰(zhàn)勝大蕭條和法西斯主義國(guó)家擁有的樂(lè)觀向上的精神。他們了解自己是一個(gè)偉大事業(yè)的組成部分，他們?yōu)槊恳粋€(gè)美國(guó)人都有機(jī)會(huì)踏上的成功之路做出貢獻(xiàn)——在美國(guó)可以實(shí)現(xiàn)最普遍的希望：你如果辛勤工作就足以養(yǎng)活家庭，擁有住房，送孩子上大學(xué)，還可以為退休存點(diǎn)錢。

我們這個(gè)時(shí)代的關(guān)鍵問(wèn)題是如何讓這樣的希望生生不息。沒有任何挑戰(zhàn)比這更為迫切，沒有任何爭(zhēng)論比這更重要。我們可以滿足于這樣一個(gè)國(guó)家，其中越來(lái)越少的人富甲一方，而越來(lái)越多的美國(guó)人卻勉強(qiáng)度日;或者我們可以重建我國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)，讓人人都得到公平的機(jī)會(huì)，人人都盡自己的一份力量，人人都遵守同樣的規(guī)則。利害攸關(guān)的問(wèn)題不是民主黨的價(jià)值觀或共和黨的價(jià)值觀，而是美國(guó)的價(jià)值觀。我們必須重新樹立這些價(jià)值觀。

讓我們謹(jǐn)記我們是如何走到這一步的。在經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退爆發(fā)前，就業(yè)崗位和制造業(yè)早已開始離開我們的海岸。技術(shù)使各行各業(yè)更有效率，但一些工作崗位也因此陳舊過(guò)時(shí)。位于最高層的同胞們看到他們的收入前所未有地增長(zhǎng)，但大多數(shù)勤奮工作的美國(guó)人開支上升，工資水平停滯，債務(wù)不斷增加，為此生活十分艱難。

2008年，紙牌搭建的房子坍塌了。我們知道，抵押貸款批給了沒有能力支付或?qū)Υ艘恢虢獾娜?。銀行拿著別人的錢投下巨大的賭注，得到了豐厚的報(bào)酬。監(jiān)管人員視若無(wú)睹，或沒有權(quán)力阻止不良行為。這是不對(duì)的，這是不負(fù)責(zé)任的。這使我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)陷入危機(jī)，數(shù)百萬(wàn)人失業(yè)，我們背上了更多的債務(wù)，讓無(wú)辜、勤勞的美國(guó)人代人受過(guò)。在我上任前的六個(gè)月中，我們失去了近四百萬(wàn)個(gè)就業(yè)崗位。在我們的政策全面落實(shí)之前，我們又失去四百萬(wàn)個(gè)就業(yè)崗位。

這些都是事實(shí)，但是以下這些也是事實(shí)。在過(guò)去二十二個(gè)月內(nèi)，各行各業(yè)創(chuàng)造了三百多萬(wàn)個(gè)就業(yè)崗位。去年，這些行業(yè)創(chuàng)造了2005年以來(lái)的大多數(shù)就業(yè)崗位。美國(guó)制造商重新開始雇人，自二十世紀(jì)九十年代末期以來(lái)首次創(chuàng)造了工作機(jī)會(huì)。我們共同努力，已同意將赤字至少降低兩萬(wàn)億美元，并且制定了讓華爾街承擔(dān)責(zé)任的新規(guī)則，防止類似的危機(jī)再度發(fā)生。

我們合眾國(guó)的國(guó)情日益強(qiáng)盛。我們已取得長(zhǎng)足的進(jìn)展，絕不能走回頭路。只要我還擔(dān)任總統(tǒng)之職，就將與在座的每一位一起再接再厲。但是，我將采取行動(dòng)打破障礙，并將反對(duì)恢復(fù)原有政策的任何要求，因?yàn)楫?dāng)初正是這些政策引發(fā)了這場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)。不，我們不能重蹈覆轍，聽任外包、壞賬和虛假的金融利潤(rùn)削弱我國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)。

今晚，我希望談一談今后如何取得進(jìn)展，并為建設(shè)長(zhǎng)盛不衰的經(jīng)濟(jì)制定藍(lán)圖——以美國(guó)制造業(yè)、美國(guó)能源、美國(guó)勞工的技能以及繼續(xù)發(fā)揚(yáng)美國(guó)價(jià)值觀為出發(fā)點(diǎn)的經(jīng)濟(jì)。

這份藍(lán)圖以美國(guó)制造業(yè)為開端。

在我就職之日，我國(guó)的汽車產(chǎn)業(yè)正瀕臨崩潰。有些人甚至說(shuō)我們應(yīng)該任其消亡。但這事關(guān)上百萬(wàn)個(gè)就業(yè)崗位，我拒絕讓這種情況發(fā)生。作為提供幫助的交換條件，我們要求他們負(fù)起責(zé)任。我們讓工人和汽車制造商解決他們的分歧。我們讓汽車產(chǎn)業(yè)更新設(shè)備，重新改組。今天，通用汽車重新坐上世界頭號(hào)汽車制造商的寶座。克萊斯勒在美國(guó)的增長(zhǎng)速度比其他任何大型汽車公司都快。福特正在美國(guó)的車間和廠房挹注數(shù)十億美元的資金。整個(gè)汽車產(chǎn)業(yè)總計(jì)增加了將近十六萬(wàn)個(gè)就業(yè)崗位。我們堅(jiān)信美國(guó)的勞動(dòng)者，我們堅(jiān)信美國(guó)的創(chuàng)新能力。今晚，美國(guó)汽車產(chǎn)業(yè)已經(jīng)東山再起。

在底特律發(fā)生的事情也可以在其他行業(yè)發(fā)生。它可以在克里夫蘭、匹茲堡和羅利發(fā)生。我們不可能把所有流失到海外的工作都找回來(lái)，但是現(xiàn)在，在諸如中國(guó)等地從事經(jīng)營(yíng)的成本越來(lái)越高。與此同時(shí)，美國(guó)的生產(chǎn)效率也越來(lái)越高。幾周前，瑪斯特鎖公司的首席執(zhí)行長(zhǎng)告訴我，在他看來(lái)把就業(yè)崗位帶回美國(guó)現(xiàn)在是明智的經(jīng)營(yíng)之道。今天，瑪斯特鎖公司坐落在密爾沃基實(shí)行工會(huì)制的工廠已全面投產(chǎn)，這是十五年來(lái)的第一次。

因此，我們面前有一個(gè)把制造業(yè)遷回來(lái)的大好機(jī)會(huì)，可是我們必須抓住機(jī)會(huì)。今晚，我對(duì)企業(yè)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人要說(shuō)的話很簡(jiǎn)單：?jiǎn)栆粏?wèn)你們自己怎樣才能把工作機(jī)會(huì)帶回美國(guó)，你們的國(guó)家就會(huì)盡一切努力助你們成功。

我們應(yīng)該從我國(guó)的稅法入手。目前，公司把工作和利潤(rùn)移到海外會(huì)獲得稅收優(yōu)惠。與此同時(shí)，選擇留在美國(guó)的公司卻要承受在全球最高之列的稅率。這樣做沒有道理，人人都知道這一點(diǎn)。因此我們必須著手改革。

首先，如果你是想要外包的企業(yè)，你就不應(yīng)當(dāng)因此獲得減稅。這筆錢應(yīng)當(dāng)用來(lái)貼補(bǔ)像瑪斯特鎖等決定把工作遷回美國(guó)的公司的搬遷費(fèi)用。其次，任何美國(guó)公司都不能通過(guò)把工作和利潤(rùn)移到海外而逃避公平納稅。從現(xiàn)在起，每個(gè)跨國(guó)公司都應(yīng)當(dāng)支付基本的最低稅金。每一分錢都應(yīng)當(dāng)用來(lái)為選擇留在美國(guó)并雇用美國(guó)人力的公司減稅。第三，如果你是美國(guó)制造商，你就應(yīng)當(dāng)獲得幅度更大的減稅。如果你是高科技制造商，我們應(yīng)當(dāng)為你在美國(guó)本地制造產(chǎn)品而加倍減稅。如果你想遷入一個(gè)因?yàn)楣S遷出而受到重創(chuàng)的社區(qū)，你在為新工廠、設(shè)備或者新員工培訓(xùn)融資時(shí)應(yīng)當(dāng)?shù)玫綆椭?/p>

我要說(shuō)的很簡(jiǎn)單?，F(xiàn)在應(yīng)當(dāng)停止獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)將工作遷到海外的企業(yè)，而應(yīng)當(dāng)開始獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)在美國(guó)國(guó)內(nèi)創(chuàng)造就業(yè)崗位的企業(yè)。把這些稅法改革方案交給我，我會(huì)立刻簽署。

我們還使美國(guó)工商企業(yè)更容易在全世界各地銷售產(chǎn)品。兩年前，我提出美國(guó)出口在五年內(nèi)翻一番的目標(biāo)。隨著兩黨一致的各項(xiàng)貿(mào)易協(xié)定經(jīng)我們簽署成為法律，我們正朝著這個(gè)目標(biāo)穩(wěn)步邁進(jìn)并可超前實(shí)現(xiàn)。不久以后，美國(guó)產(chǎn)品將在巴拿馬、哥倫比亞和韓國(guó)獲得數(shù)以百萬(wàn)計(jì)的新顧客。不久以后，來(lái)自底特律、托利多和芝加哥的新進(jìn)口汽車將在首爾街頭出現(xiàn)。

我將前往全世界任何地方為美國(guó)產(chǎn)品打開新市場(chǎng)。當(dāng)我們的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)對(duì)手不按規(guī)則行事的時(shí)候，我不會(huì)坐視不顧。我們對(duì)中國(guó)提起貿(mào)易訴訟的案例數(shù)量是上一屆政府的近兩倍，而且已經(jīng)看到成效。由于我們制止了中國(guó)輪胎的傾銷，一千多名美國(guó)人在今天得以有工作?？墒俏覀冃枰俳釉賲?。當(dāng)另一個(gè)國(guó)家聽任我們的影片、音樂(lè)和軟件被盜版，這是不對(duì)的。當(dāng)外國(guó)制造商只因受到大量補(bǔ)貼而取得高于我們的優(yōu)勢(shì)，這是不公平的。

今晚，我宣布創(chuàng)建一個(gè)“貿(mào)易執(zhí)法單位”，負(fù)責(zé)調(diào)查中國(guó)等國(guó)的不公平貿(mào)易作法。我們將加強(qiáng)檢驗(yàn)，防止假冒或者不安全的商品跨越邊境進(jìn)入我國(guó)。本屆國(guó)會(huì)應(yīng)做到勿使外國(guó)公司在取得融資或者進(jìn)入俄羅斯等新市場(chǎng)方面取得高于美國(guó)制造商的優(yōu)勢(shì)。我們的工人是全世界生產(chǎn)效率最高的，如果有一個(gè)公平的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)環(huán)境，我敢保證美國(guó)將永遠(yuǎn)立于不敗之地。

我也聽到許多企業(yè)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人說(shuō)，他們想要在美國(guó)雇用人手，但卻找不到擁有他們所需技能的人員。不斷發(fā)展的科學(xué)和技術(shù)產(chǎn)業(yè)需要招聘的人員數(shù)量是能夠勝任這類工作的人員的兩倍。思考一下這個(gè)現(xiàn)象，這些在數(shù)百萬(wàn)美國(guó)人找工作的時(shí)候依然空缺的崗位。沒有任何借口可言，而我們也知道如何補(bǔ)救。

杰基·布雷是北卡羅萊納的一位單身母親，當(dāng)過(guò)機(jī)械師，但被裁員。當(dāng)時(shí)西門子公司在夏洛特開辦了一家天然氣汽輪機(jī)廠，并與中部皮埃蒙特社區(qū)學(xué)院結(jié)成了伙伴關(guān)系。西門子公司幫助該學(xué)院設(shè)計(jì)激光和機(jī)器人技術(shù)培訓(xùn)方面的課程。公司為杰基付了培訓(xùn)費(fèi)用，然后雇用她來(lái)工廠工作。

我要讓每一位正在找工作的美國(guó)人都得到杰基那樣的機(jī)會(huì)。請(qǐng)與我一道努力在全國(guó)各地培訓(xùn)兩百萬(wàn)美國(guó)人，讓他們掌握能夠直接解決就業(yè)的技能。我的政府已經(jīng)匯集起更多的樂(lè)意幫忙的企業(yè)。像西門子這樣的企業(yè)與夏洛特、奧蘭多和路易斯維爾等地的社區(qū)學(xué)院之間的樣板伙伴關(guān)系正在建立并發(fā)揮效力?，F(xiàn)在必須把資源給予更多的社區(qū)學(xué)院，讓它們成為社區(qū)職業(yè)培訓(xùn)中心，教會(huì)人們目前企業(yè)所急需的從數(shù)據(jù)管理到高科技生產(chǎn)等各項(xiàng)技能。

我要精簡(jiǎn)令人眼花繚亂的種種培訓(xùn)項(xiàng)目，從現(xiàn)在起，讓杰基這樣的民眾可以只上一個(gè)培訓(xùn)項(xiàng)目、一個(gè)網(wǎng)站、一個(gè)地方就能獲得他們所需的一切信息和幫助?，F(xiàn)在是把我們的失業(yè)救助系統(tǒng)變成讓人們重新走上工作崗位的再就業(yè)系統(tǒng)的時(shí)候了。這些改革將幫助人們獲得目前依然空缺的就業(yè)崗位。

但是，要為未來(lái)謀職做好準(zhǔn)備，我們加強(qiáng)技能培訓(xùn)和提高教育質(zhì)量的努力就必須開始得更早。我們僅用了我國(guó)年度教育經(jīng)費(fèi)的不到百分之一，就說(shuō)服了國(guó)內(nèi)幾乎每一個(gè)州提高其教學(xué)和學(xué)習(xí)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，這是幾十年來(lái)的第一次。我們?nèi)匀幻媾R諸多難題，但我們知道應(yīng)當(dāng)如何解決這些難題。

在一個(gè)其他國(guó)家正在加倍投資于教育的時(shí)候，拮據(jù)的預(yù)算已迫使各州解雇數(shù)以千計(jì)的教師。我們知道，一名好教師能夠使一個(gè)班的學(xué)生一生增加25萬(wàn)美元的收入，一名好教師能夠讓一個(gè)夢(mèng)想沖出困境的孩子獲得擺脫貧困的機(jī)會(huì)。在這個(gè)大廳中的每一個(gè)人都能說(shuō)出一位改變了他們的生活軌跡的教師。大多數(shù)教師誨人不倦，他們收入不高，有時(shí)還得自己掏錢購(gòu)買教學(xué)用品，只是為了盡自己的一份力。

教師的作用重大。因此，不要責(zé)怪他們或者為現(xiàn)狀辯護(hù)，而是讓我們給學(xué)校提一個(gè)協(xié)議，為學(xué)校提供保留好教師所需要的資源，獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)優(yōu)秀教師。作為交換，讓學(xué)校享有靈活性，創(chuàng)造性地、富于激情地進(jìn)行教學(xué)，不再實(shí)行應(yīng)試教育，并且取代對(duì)孩子的學(xué)習(xí)沒有幫助的教師。這是一個(gè)值得做的交換。

我們還知道，如果學(xué)生不中途退學(xué)，更多人會(huì)走上領(lǐng)取畢業(yè)證書的講臺(tái)。如果不允許學(xué)生輟學(xué)，他們會(huì)取得更好的成績(jī)。因此，今晚我提議，每一個(gè)州——每一個(gè)州——要求學(xué)生留在高中就讀，直到畢業(yè)或十八歲。

在孩子們畢業(yè)時(shí)，最嚴(yán)峻的挑戰(zhàn)可能是大學(xué)費(fèi)用。此時(shí)此刻，美國(guó)人的學(xué)費(fèi)債務(wù)超過(guò)了信用卡債務(wù)，國(guó)會(huì)必須阻止學(xué)生貸款利息在7月份成倍上漲。把我們開始的為數(shù)百萬(wàn)中產(chǎn)家庭節(jié)省成千上萬(wàn)美元學(xué)費(fèi)的減稅優(yōu)惠延長(zhǎng)下去，并通過(guò)在未來(lái)五年加倍提供半工半讀機(jī)會(huì)，讓更多的年輕人有機(jī)會(huì)自己掙錢念完大學(xué)。

當(dāng)然，僅僅增加學(xué)生援助是不夠的。我們無(wú)法一再補(bǔ)貼不斷猛漲的學(xué)費(fèi)，我們會(huì)耗光資金。各州也需要盡一份力，把高等教育作為其預(yù)算的一項(xiàng)重要內(nèi)容。各高等院校必須盡量努力降低費(fèi)用。

最近，我與一批已經(jīng)這樣做的大學(xué)校長(zhǎng)進(jìn)行了交談。一些學(xué)校重新設(shè)計(jì)課程，幫助學(xué)生更快完成學(xué)業(yè)。有些采用了更好的技術(shù)手段。這就是說(shuō)，這是可以辦到的。所以，讓我告知高等院校：如果你們不能停止學(xué)費(fèi)上漲，那么你們從納稅人那里得到的資金就將減少。高等教育不能是奢侈品，它是經(jīng)濟(jì)之必需，美國(guó)每一個(gè)家庭都應(yīng)能支付得起。

我們還要記住，在這個(gè)國(guó)家?guī)资f(wàn)才華橫溢、勤奮好學(xué)的學(xué)生面臨著另一個(gè)挑戰(zhàn)：他們尚不是美國(guó)公民。他們?cè)S多人是小時(shí)候被帶到這里，是地地道道的美國(guó)人，然而卻每天面臨被遣返的威脅。還有一些人最近才來(lái)這里攻讀商學(xué)、科學(xué)和工程學(xué)，但他們一拿到學(xué)位，我們便送他們回國(guó)，到其他地方去發(fā)明新產(chǎn)品，創(chuàng)造新就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)。

這毫無(wú)道理可言。

我極其堅(jiān)定地相信，我們應(yīng)著手解決非法移民問(wèn)題。正因?yàn)槿绱耍业恼呀?jīng)向邊界派遣了人數(shù)比以往任何時(shí)候都多的邊防人員。也正因?yàn)槿绱?，現(xiàn)在非法越境事件比我上任時(shí)減少。反對(duì)這項(xiàng)行動(dòng)的人再也找不到借口，我們現(xiàn)在應(yīng)當(dāng)立即努力制定全面的移民改革方案。

但是，如果選舉年的政局使國(guó)會(huì)不情愿就一項(xiàng)全面方案采取行動(dòng)，那么讓我們至少同意停止遣返那些有責(zé)任感的年輕人，他們希望去我們的實(shí)驗(yàn)室、創(chuàng)業(yè)和捍衛(wèi)這個(gè)國(guó)家。向我提交一項(xiàng)法案，讓他們有機(jī)會(huì)通過(guò)奮斗取得公民身份，我將立刻簽署。

要知道，長(zhǎng)盛不衰的經(jīng)濟(jì)要求我們激發(fā)這個(gè)國(guó)家每個(gè)人的聰明才智和創(chuàng)造力。這意味著對(duì)婦女應(yīng)當(dāng)實(shí)行同工同酬。這意味著應(yīng)當(dāng)支持每一個(gè)愿意工作的人，每一個(gè)敢于承擔(dān)風(fēng)險(xiǎn)的人，每一個(gè)有志成為下一個(gè)史蒂夫·喬布斯的實(shí)業(yè)家。

畢竟，創(chuàng)新是美國(guó)的根本。大多數(shù)新的就業(yè)崗位是由初創(chuàng)企業(yè)和小型企業(yè)創(chuàng)造的。因此讓我們通過(guò)一項(xiàng)有助于他們成功的議程。打破妨礙有抱負(fù)的企業(yè)家進(jìn)行發(fā)展融資的條條框框，將減稅優(yōu)惠擴(kuò)大到那些增加工資和創(chuàng)造良好就業(yè)崗位的小型企業(yè)。兩黨都同意這些設(shè)想。因此，請(qǐng)把它們變成法案，今年放在我的辦公桌上。

創(chuàng)新還要求從事基礎(chǔ)研究。今天，在我們聯(lián)邦政府資助的實(shí)驗(yàn)室和大學(xué)獲得的各種發(fā)現(xiàn)有可能帶來(lái)新的治療方法，殺死癌細(xì)胞而不損壞健康細(xì)胞。新型的警察和士兵使用的輕便防彈背心可以擋住任何子彈。請(qǐng)不要在預(yù)算中除掉這些投資，請(qǐng)不要讓其他國(guó)家在未來(lái)的競(jìng)賽中占上風(fēng)。請(qǐng)支持研究與創(chuàng)新，正是它們帶來(lái)了電腦芯片和因特網(wǎng)、帶來(lái)了美國(guó)的新就業(yè)崗位和新興行業(yè)。

談到創(chuàng)新的前途，沒有任何一個(gè)領(lǐng)域能比美國(guó)能源產(chǎn)業(yè)更有希望。近三年來(lái)，我們進(jìn)行了數(shù)百萬(wàn)英畝的石油和天然氣勘探。今晚，我指示我的政府開發(fā)我國(guó)75%以上的潛在近海石油和天然氣資源。目前——目前——美國(guó)的石油產(chǎn)量達(dá)到八年來(lái)最高水平。是的，八年。不僅如此，去年，我們對(duì)外國(guó)石油的依賴比以往十六年中的任何一年都少。但是，鑒于我們僅有世界2%的石油儲(chǔ)備量，石油是不夠的。這個(gè)國(guó)家需要有一個(gè)全方位的綜合戰(zhàn)略，開發(fā)美國(guó)能源的各項(xiàng)潛能，這項(xiàng)戰(zhàn)略意味著更清潔、更便宜并充滿新的就業(yè)崗位。

我們擁有將近滿足美國(guó)一百年需要的天然氣資源，本屆政府將采取一切可能的措施安全地開發(fā)這種能源。專家認(rèn)為，這將在十年內(nèi)帶來(lái)六十多萬(wàn)個(gè)就業(yè)崗位。我要求在公有土地上鉆探天然氣的所有公司將他們使用的化學(xué)物質(zhì)成分公諸于眾。這是因?yàn)槊绹?guó)在開發(fā)這種資源時(shí)不會(huì)把我國(guó)公民的健康與安全置于危險(xiǎn)境地。

開發(fā)天然氣將創(chuàng)造就業(yè)崗位，為貨車和工廠提供更清潔和更便宜的能源，從而證明我們不必在環(huán)境與經(jīng)濟(jì)兩者之間只取其一。順便提一下，是過(guò)去三十年間政府撥出的研究資金幫助開發(fā)了從頁(yè)巖中提煉天然氣的技術(shù)。這一點(diǎn)提醒我們：政府的支持對(duì)幫助企業(yè)把新能源設(shè)想轉(zhuǎn)化為現(xiàn)實(shí)至關(guān)重要。

天然氣的道理同樣適用于清潔能源。三年來(lái)，我們與民間行業(yè)建立的伙伴關(guān)系已經(jīng)使美國(guó)在世界高科技電池生產(chǎn)中處于領(lǐng)先位置。由于聯(lián)邦政府的投資，可再生能源的使用幾乎翻了一番，并給成千上萬(wàn)美國(guó)人帶來(lái)就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)。

布賴恩·里特比從家具制造業(yè)下崗時(shí)，曾擔(dān)心已經(jīng)五十五歲的他不再會(huì)有另一次機(jī)會(huì)。但他在密歇根州一家叫做“活力”的風(fēng)力渦輪機(jī)制造廠找到了工作。在經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退前，這家工廠只建造豪華游艇。今天，它在招聘像布賴恩這樣的工人。布賴恩說(shuō)：“我為在這個(gè)未來(lái)行業(yè)工作感到自豪。”

我們?cè)陧?yè)巖氣，我們?cè)谔烊粴夥矫娴慕?jīng)驗(yàn)告訴我們，這些公共投資不一定帶來(lái)立竿見影的回報(bào)。某些技術(shù)未取得成果，有些企業(yè)倒閉，但我不會(huì)背棄對(duì)清潔能源作出的承諾。我不會(huì)背棄像布賴恩這樣的工人。我不會(huì)因?yàn)槲覀兙芙^在這里作出同樣的承諾而把風(fēng)力或太陽(yáng)能或電池工業(yè)讓給中國(guó)或德國(guó)。

我們對(duì)石油公司的補(bǔ)貼已經(jīng)長(zhǎng)達(dá)一個(gè)世紀(jì)，時(shí)間足矣?，F(xiàn)在應(yīng)該是停止向這個(gè)利潤(rùn)鮮遜于任何人的產(chǎn)業(yè)提供納稅人饋贈(zèng)，轉(zhuǎn)向?yàn)榍巴緩奈慈绱斯饷鞯那鍧嵞茉醇颖锻顿Y的時(shí)候了。請(qǐng)批準(zhǔn)清潔能源減稅優(yōu)惠，請(qǐng)創(chuàng)造這些就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)。

我們也能夠通過(guò)新的鼓勵(lì)項(xiàng)目來(lái)刺激能源創(chuàng)新。目前國(guó)會(huì)的分歧或許太深，難以為解決氣候變化問(wèn)題通過(guò)一項(xiàng)全面的方案。然而那是沒有理由的，國(guó)會(huì)至少應(yīng)制定一項(xiàng)清潔能源標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，為發(fā)明革新開辟市場(chǎng)。迄今你們尚未采取行動(dòng)，今晚我將采取行動(dòng)。我將指示本屆政府批準(zhǔn)在公共土地上開發(fā)足以供三百萬(wàn)家庭用電需要的清潔能源。我很自豪地宣布，國(guó)防部與我們一道為這個(gè)世界最大的能源消費(fèi)國(guó)，作出有史以來(lái)對(duì)清潔能源最大的承諾之一——海軍將購(gòu)買足以每年為二十五萬(wàn)家庭提供電力的供電量。

當(dāng)然，節(jié)省資金的最簡(jiǎn)便方式是節(jié)約能源。因此，我在此提議：幫助廠家杜絕工廠的能源浪費(fèi)，為公司提供改造建筑的獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)計(jì)劃。這樣一來(lái)，未來(lái)十年的能源費(fèi)用將會(huì)減少1000億美元，使美國(guó)的污染降低，制造業(yè)擴(kuò)大，給建筑業(yè)帶來(lái)工人所需的更多就業(yè)崗位。請(qǐng)?zhí)峤唤o我一項(xiàng)創(chuàng)造這類就業(yè)崗位的法案。

開創(chuàng)新能源的前景，應(yīng)該只是修整美國(guó)基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施的更宏大計(jì)劃中的一項(xiàng)內(nèi)容。美國(guó)有許多領(lǐng)域需要重建。我們的道路和橋梁失修，供電網(wǎng)浪費(fèi)能源過(guò)多，高速寬帶網(wǎng)絡(luò)不健全，致使美國(guó)鄉(xiāng)村地區(qū)的小企業(yè)難以將產(chǎn)品行銷全球。

在大蕭條時(shí)期，美國(guó)修建了胡佛水壩和金門大橋。二次大戰(zhàn)后，我們修建了連接各州的高速公路。民主黨和共和黨政府均為大型項(xiàng)目作出投資，造福了所有人——從當(dāng)年的建設(shè)者到今天仍在使用它們的公司企業(yè)。

在今后幾周內(nèi)，我將簽署一項(xiàng)行政令，以排除使許多建筑項(xiàng)目停滯不前的官僚障礙。但是，你們需要為這些項(xiàng)目出資。利用我們不再為戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)開支的經(jīng)費(fèi)，以其中二分之一支付我們的債務(wù)，用另一半來(lái)進(jìn)行我們的國(guó)內(nèi)建設(shè)。

現(xiàn)在是從事基建的最佳時(shí)機(jī)，特別是由于建筑業(yè)是在房地產(chǎn)泡沫破裂時(shí)遭受最大重創(chuàng)的行業(yè)之一。當(dāng)然，受到?jīng)_擊的不僅是建筑工人。數(shù)百萬(wàn)無(wú)辜的美國(guó)人也受到?jīng)_擊，他們的房屋價(jià)值下跌。雖然政府無(wú)法單獨(dú)解決這一問(wèn)題，但不應(yīng)讓負(fù)責(zé)任的房主等到房地產(chǎn)市場(chǎng)跌入谷底才可獲得救助。

因此，我將向本屆國(guó)會(huì)提交一項(xiàng)方案，為每位負(fù)責(zé)任的房主提供機(jī)會(huì)，通過(guò)有史以來(lái)最低的利息進(jìn)行重新貸款，使他們可在房貸上每年節(jié)省3,000美元。不再有官僚擋道，不再有銀行拖延。對(duì)規(guī)模最大的金融機(jī)構(gòu)收取一小筆費(fèi)用，可確保不導(dǎo)致赤字遞增，并使那些被納稅人救助的銀行有機(jī)會(huì)償還它們的信用赤字。

讓我們永遠(yuǎn)不要忘記：每天都勤奮工作、遵紀(jì)守法的千百萬(wàn)美國(guó)人理當(dāng)擁有一個(gè)以同樣方式行事的政府和金融體系?，F(xiàn)在應(yīng)該從上到下實(shí)行同一個(gè)規(guī)則：不再允許紓困、施舍和逃避責(zé)任。美國(guó)的長(zhǎng)盛不衰要求每一個(gè)人都承擔(dān)責(zé)任。

由于貸款人向無(wú)力償還抵押貸款的申請(qǐng)人貸款，由于購(gòu)買方明知負(fù)擔(dān)不起仍勉為其難，我們所有的人已經(jīng)為此付出了代價(jià)。正是因?yàn)檫@個(gè)原因，我們需要采取有效的監(jiān)管制止不負(fù)責(zé)任的行為。防止金融欺詐的規(guī)定，禁止傾倒有毒物品或生產(chǎn)劣質(zhì)醫(yī)療設(shè)備的條例——這些都不會(huì)損害自由市場(chǎng)，反而會(huì)促使自由市場(chǎng)更好地運(yùn)作。

毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)，有些規(guī)章已經(jīng)過(guò)時(shí)，并非必須而且代價(jià)過(guò)高。事實(shí)上，我在總統(tǒng)任期內(nèi)的頭三年批準(zhǔn)的規(guī)章比我的共和黨籍前任在同期內(nèi)所頒行的規(guī)章要少。我已指令每個(gè)聯(lián)邦機(jī)構(gòu)取消不合理的規(guī)章。我們已經(jīng)宣布實(shí)行五百多項(xiàng)改革，僅其中的一小部分便能在今后五年為企業(yè)和公民節(jié)省100多億美元。

我們?nèi)∠怂氖嗄昵爸贫ǖ囊豁?xiàng)規(guī)定，這項(xiàng)規(guī)定導(dǎo)致一些奶牛場(chǎng)可能每年要花1萬(wàn)美元來(lái)證明他們能夠控制泄漏——因?yàn)榕Ｄ滩恢喂时粴w為油類。有了這樣的規(guī)定，我想即使灑了牛奶也值得大哭一場(chǎng)。而我確信一名牧民有能力處理牛奶泄漏，不需要一個(gè)聯(lián)邦機(jī)構(gòu)插手。這是毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)的。

但我不會(huì)放松對(duì)石油公司防止漏油的要求，確保不再發(fā)生我們兩年前在墨西哥灣看到的漏油事故。我不會(huì)放松為保護(hù)我們的孩子們免受汞中毒危害提出的要求，不會(huì)放松我們?yōu)楸ＷC食品安全和清潔用水提出的要求。我不會(huì)回到過(guò)去允許醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)公司任意取消保單，拒絕承保，對(duì)女性收取與男性不同保費(fèi)的日子。

我也不會(huì)回到允許華爾街自行其是的日子。我們已經(jīng)批準(zhǔn)的新規(guī)則重新確立了任何一個(gè)金融體制都應(yīng)遵循的核心宗旨：向提出最佳創(chuàng)意的創(chuàng)業(yè)者提供資金，向希望買房子、開公司或送子女上大學(xué)的負(fù)責(zé)任的家庭提供貸款。

因此，如果你是一家大銀行或金融機(jī)構(gòu)，你就不能再用客戶的存款從事冒險(xiǎn)的交易。你必須開出一份詳細(xì)說(shuō)明你一旦倒閉將如何償清款項(xiàng)的“預(yù)囑”——因?yàn)槲覀兤渌娜瞬辉冈贋槟銈兗偫?。如果你是一家抵押貸款機(jī)構(gòu)或薪金預(yù)支行或信用卡公司，利用難懂的表格和欺詐手段導(dǎo)致人們簽購(gòu)他們負(fù)擔(dān)不起的金融產(chǎn)品——這樣的日子已經(jīng)一去不復(fù)返。今天，美國(guó)消費(fèi)者終于有了由理查德·科德雷負(fù)責(zé)的監(jiān)管機(jī)構(gòu)，承擔(dān)保護(hù)他們的專門職能。

我們還將建立一個(gè)金融犯罪調(diào)查組，由訓(xùn)練有素的調(diào)查人員組成，打擊大規(guī)模欺詐活動(dòng)并保護(hù)民眾的投資。某些金融公司違反重要的反欺詐法規(guī)，因?yàn)閷覍疫`犯者并沒有受到實(shí)質(zhì)性懲治。這損害了消費(fèi)者，也損害了絕大多數(shù)遵紀(jì)守法的銀行及金融服務(wù)業(yè)專業(yè)人員。因此，通過(guò)懲治欺詐的立法意義重大。

今晚，我要求司法部長(zhǎng)成立由聯(lián)邦檢察官和具有主導(dǎo)地位的各州司法部長(zhǎng)組成的特別工作組，對(duì)導(dǎo)致房產(chǎn)危機(jī)的違章借貸與包裝風(fēng)險(xiǎn)房貸展開更大規(guī)模調(diào)查。這個(gè)工作組將追究違法責(zé)任，加快為房主提供幫助，加速結(jié)束這個(gè)傷害到如此之多美國(guó)人的無(wú)節(jié)制時(shí)期。

再次倡導(dǎo)公平合理和共同責(zé)任的美國(guó)價(jià)值觀將有利于保護(hù)我們的人民和我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)，而它也應(yīng)對(duì)我們努力擺脫債務(wù)負(fù)擔(dān)和對(duì)未來(lái)投資具有指導(dǎo)作用。

眼下，我們最直接的當(dāng)務(wù)之急是，在經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)蘇仍然脆弱的情況下，避免給一億六千萬(wàn)美國(guó)工薪階層加稅。人們今年無(wú)法承受從每次工資中減少40美元?？梢杂性S多途徑達(dá)到上述目標(biāo)。為此，讓我們?cè)诖说卮藭r(shí)一致同意：不要附加議題，不要造勢(shì)，毫無(wú)耽擱地批準(zhǔn)削減工資稅。讓我們完成這項(xiàng)工作。

在赤字問(wèn)題上，我們已就削減和節(jié)省2萬(wàn)億以上美元開支達(dá)成協(xié)議。但我們還需進(jìn)一步努力，而這意味著作出選擇。目前，我們要額外花費(fèi)將近1萬(wàn)億美元來(lái)支持一項(xiàng)本應(yīng)是臨時(shí)性的為美國(guó)2%最富有的人減稅的項(xiàng)目。如今，由于稅法的缺陷和保護(hù)規(guī)定，四分之一的百萬(wàn)富翁享有比數(shù)百萬(wàn)中產(chǎn)階層家庭要低的稅率。今天，沃倫·巴菲特的稅率比他的秘書的稅率還低。我們希望保留這些給美國(guó)富人的減稅措施嗎?還是說(shuō)我們希望把投資用于其他方面，如教育和醫(yī)學(xué)研究，加強(qiáng)軍力和照料退伍軍人?因?yàn)槿绻覀冋嫦霐[脫債務(wù)，就不可能兩者兼得。

美國(guó)人民知道什么是正確的選擇。我也知道。正如去年夏天我對(duì)眾議院議長(zhǎng)所說(shuō)，我有準(zhǔn)備作出進(jìn)一步改革，控制醫(yī)療照顧和醫(yī)療補(bǔ)助開銷，鞏固社會(huì)安全福利，只要這些項(xiàng)目繼續(xù)能為老年人提供保障。

但與此相應(yīng)，我們需要修改稅法，讓像我這樣以及像國(guó)會(huì)中許多人一樣的人，繳納我們應(yīng)該承擔(dān)的稅收。稅務(wù)改革應(yīng)該遵循巴菲特規(guī)則，即如果你年收入超過(guò)1億美元，你的稅率就不應(yīng)低于30%。我的共和黨朋友湯姆·科伯恩說(shuō)的對(duì)：華盛頓應(yīng)該停止補(bǔ)貼百萬(wàn)富翁。實(shí)際上，如果你的年收入超過(guò)1億美元，你就不應(yīng)享有納稅補(bǔ)貼和減免。而另一方面，如果你的收入不到25萬(wàn)美元一年，98%的家庭都是這樣，那么你們的稅率就不應(yīng)增加。你們面對(duì)著價(jià)格上漲而工資不動(dòng)的艱難，你們是需要得到減稅的人。誰(shuí)要稱這是階級(jí)對(duì)抗，請(qǐng)自便。但要求百萬(wàn)富翁至少同他的秘書一樣納稅應(yīng)該被稱作什么?大多數(shù)美國(guó)人會(huì)稱這是常理。

在這個(gè)國(guó)家，我們并不妒忌財(cái)務(wù)上的成功，我們對(duì)此表示贊賞。當(dāng)人們談?wù)撓裎疫@樣的人付出我應(yīng)付的那一部分稅金時(shí)，那不是因?yàn)樗麄兌始晌业母挥校鞘且驗(yàn)樗麄兝斫?，我如果獲得一個(gè)我并不需要同時(shí)國(guó)家又無(wú)力負(fù)擔(dān)的稅務(wù)減免時(shí)，只會(huì)增加赤字或讓旁人去承擔(dān)這個(gè)差額，例如一個(gè)靠固定收入維生的老年人，或一個(gè)正奮力完成學(xué)業(yè)的學(xué)生，或一個(gè)勉力維持日常開銷的家庭。那是不對(duì)的，美國(guó)人也都知道，那是不對(duì)的。他們知道，正因?yàn)橐郧暗膸状苏J(rèn)識(shí)到他們彼此肩負(fù)的責(zé)任，對(duì)國(guó)家未來(lái)肩負(fù)的責(zé)任，這一代人才有可能獲得成功;他們知道，只有當(dāng)我們也具有共同的責(zé)任感，我們的生活方式才有可能持續(xù)下去。這就是我們今后降低赤字的途徑。這樣美國(guó)才能長(zhǎng)盛不衰。

我承認(rèn)今晚正在收看我的講話的人們對(duì)稅務(wù)和債務(wù)、能源和醫(yī)療保健等事項(xiàng)有不同的看法，但是不論他們屬于哪一個(gè)黨派，我可以斷定此時(shí)此刻大多數(shù)美國(guó)人都在思考同一件事：今年，明年甚至后年，華盛頓將一事無(wú)成，因?yàn)槿A盛頓四分五裂。他們感覺有點(diǎn)悲觀你能責(zé)怪他們嗎?

去年對(duì)我們經(jīng)濟(jì)的信心最大的打擊不是來(lái)自我們不能控制的事件，而是來(lái)自華盛頓關(guān)于美國(guó)能否彌補(bǔ)開支的討論。誰(shuí)能從這樣的不利局面中得利?

我今晚談到民眾和華爾街之間的信任危機(jī)。但這個(gè)城市和這個(gè)國(guó)家其余地方之間的分歧至少同樣嚴(yán)重——而且似乎年復(fù)一年逐漸惡化。

有些問(wèn)題與金錢政治的腐蝕性有關(guān)。為此讓我們一起采取一些步驟解決這個(gè)問(wèn)題。請(qǐng)給我提交一項(xiàng)禁止國(guó)會(huì)議員進(jìn)行內(nèi)幕交易的法案，我明天就簽署。讓我們限制任何民選官員在他們可以產(chǎn)生影響的行業(yè)擁有股票。讓我們確保為國(guó)會(huì)競(jìng)選集中籌款的人不得游說(shuō)國(guó)會(huì)，反之亦然。這個(gè)想法至少在華盛頓之外得到兩黨的支持。

某些方面出現(xiàn)的失?，F(xiàn)象與國(guó)會(huì)近來(lái)工作的方式有關(guān)。簡(jiǎn)單多數(shù)不再足以在參議院通過(guò)任何法案，甚至包括日常事務(wù)。對(duì)于這種種策略，任何一黨都不能回避自己的責(zé)任?，F(xiàn)在，兩黨都應(yīng)該加以制止。首先，我要求參議院通過(guò)一個(gè)簡(jiǎn)單的規(guī)則，對(duì)所有司法和公共服務(wù)部門的提名必須在九十天內(nèi)給予贊成或否定的簡(jiǎn)單表決。

行政部門也需要改變。這個(gè)部門往往效率不高、陳舊過(guò)時(shí)、脫離實(shí)際。這就是為什么我要求本屆國(guó)會(huì)給予我整合聯(lián)邦官僚體制的權(quán)力，使我們的政府更精簡(jiǎn)、反應(yīng)更快、更能適應(yīng)美國(guó)人民的需要。

最后，我們也需要降低這個(gè)城市積聚的高溫，否則將一事無(wú)成。我們應(yīng)該拋棄一些觀念，例如兩黨必然會(huì)黨同伐異，相互摧毀;政治意味著堅(jiān)持僵化的意識(shí)形態(tài)，無(wú)法按照事理常情建立共識(shí)等。

我是民主黨人，但是我相信共和黨亞伯拉罕·林肯的信念：政府只應(yīng)該為人民做他們自己無(wú)法做得更好的事情，僅此而已。正是因?yàn)檫@個(gè)原因，我的教育改革要求各學(xué)校和各州有更多的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)、更多的自主。正是因?yàn)檫@個(gè)原因，我們正在取消不起作用的監(jiān)管條例。正是因?yàn)檫@個(gè)原因，我們的醫(yī)療保健法律依靠改革后的民營(yíng)市場(chǎng)，不再依靠政府項(xiàng)目。

另外一方面，我的某些共和黨朋友，即使對(duì)政府支出最強(qiáng)烈地表示不滿，也支持聯(lián)邦撥款用于建造道路，實(shí)施清潔能源項(xiàng)目和為國(guó)內(nèi)服務(wù)的聯(lián)邦機(jī)構(gòu)。

問(wèn)題在于，我們都希望有一個(gè)更明智、更有效的政府。盡管我們可能無(wú)法在今年彌合我們之間觀念上最大的分歧，我們?nèi)匀豢梢匀〉脤?shí)際進(jìn)展。無(wú)論本屆國(guó)會(huì)是否參與，我都會(huì)采取行動(dòng)促進(jìn)經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)。但如果得到你們的幫助，我可以做更多的事情。因?yàn)槿绻覀児餐Γ览麍?jiān)合眾國(guó)就沒有達(dá)不到的目標(biāo)。這是我們?cè)谶^(guò)去幾年的海外行動(dòng)中取得的經(jīng)驗(yàn)。

結(jié)束伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)讓我們能夠給我們的敵人以致命的打擊。從巴基斯坦到也門，殘余的“基地”組織成員倉(cāng)皇失措，知道自己無(wú)法逃脫美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)的恢恢天網(wǎng)。

從這個(gè)實(shí)力地位出發(fā)，我們已經(jīng)開始逐步緊縮在阿富汗的戰(zhàn)事。我軍有一萬(wàn)人已經(jīng)回國(guó)，還有兩萬(wàn)三千多人到今年夏天將會(huì)撤離。這個(gè)讓阿富汗發(fā)揮主導(dǎo)作用的過(guò)渡將繼續(xù)，我們將與阿富汗建立持久的伙伴關(guān)系，讓它永遠(yuǎn)不可能再成為攻擊美國(guó)的一個(gè)發(fā)源地。

隨著戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)浪潮的消退，一股變革的潮流席卷整個(gè)中東和北非，從突尼斯到開羅，從薩那到的黎波里。一年前，卡扎菲還是世界上當(dāng)權(quán)時(shí)間最長(zhǎng)的獨(dú)裁者之一，是雙手沾滿了美國(guó)人鮮血的兇手。今天，他已不復(fù)存在。在敘利亞，我毫不懷疑阿薩德政權(quán)很快就會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)，變革的力量無(wú)法逆轉(zhuǎn)，人類尊嚴(yán)不容抹殺。

這場(chǎng)令人震撼的變革結(jié)果如何仍無(wú)法確定。但我們與其最終結(jié)果利害攸關(guān)。本地區(qū)人民的命運(yùn)歸根結(jié)底由他們自己決定，但我們將倡導(dǎo)那些使我們自己的國(guó)家受益匪淺的價(jià)值觀。我們將反對(duì)暴力和恐嚇。我們將捍衛(wèi)全人類的權(quán)利和尊嚴(yán)——男性和女性;基督徒、穆斯林和猶太人。我們將支持有助于建設(shè)強(qiáng)大穩(wěn)定的民主和開放市場(chǎng)的政策，因?yàn)樽杂杀貙?zhàn)勝暴政。

我們將維護(hù)美國(guó)自身的安全，防范那些威脅我國(guó)公民、我國(guó)盟友和我國(guó)利益的人?？纯匆晾?，我國(guó)外交的有力作用讓一個(gè)曾對(duì)如何應(yīng)對(duì)伊朗的核計(jì)劃存在分歧的世界現(xiàn)在團(tuán)結(jié)一致。該政權(quán)比以往任何時(shí)候都更加孤立，該國(guó)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人面臨著嚴(yán)厲制裁。只要他們還在逃避自己的責(zé)任，這樣的施壓就不會(huì)放松。毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)：美國(guó)決心阻止伊朗獲得核武器，為實(shí)現(xiàn)這一目標(biāo)，我將不排除任何方案。但和平解決這個(gè)問(wèn)題仍然是可能的，而且益處大得多。伊朗如果改弦易轍并履行其義務(wù)，就可以重新加入國(guó)際社會(huì)。

美國(guó)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)地位的重振在全球各地都有所體現(xiàn)。我們?cè)跉W洲和亞洲歷史最悠久的同盟比以往任何時(shí)候都更強(qiáng)大。我們與美洲的關(guān)系更加深厚。我們對(duì)以色列的安全作出的牢不可破的承諾，我是說(shuō)牢不可破，意味著我們兩國(guó)在歷史上最密切的軍事合作。

我們已經(jīng)很清楚地表明，美國(guó)是一個(gè)太平洋大國(guó)，緬甸的新開端點(diǎn)燃了新的希望。從我們建立的保障核材料安全的聯(lián)盟，到我們領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的消除饑餓和疾病的使命;從我們對(duì)敵人的打擊，到我們作為道義典范的持久力量——美國(guó)回來(lái)了。

如果有人另有別論，如果有人說(shuō)美國(guó)正在衰落或我們的影響力已經(jīng)減弱，都是不知所云。

這不是我們從渴望與我們合作的世界各國(guó)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人那里得到的信息。這也不是從東京到柏林，從開普敦到里約等地人民的感覺，這些地方對(duì)美國(guó)的看法比數(shù)年來(lái)的任何時(shí)候都好。是的，世界正在改變;不錯(cuò)，我們不能控制每一事件，但美國(guó)仍然是世界事務(wù)中不可或缺的國(guó)家——只要我仍擔(dān)任總統(tǒng)之職就將保持已成的盛業(yè)。

那就是為什么我與我們的軍事將領(lǐng)一起提出新的國(guó)防戰(zhàn)略，確保我們維持全世界最優(yōu)異的軍力，同時(shí)為我們的預(yù)算節(jié)省將近5000億美元。為了搶占制敵的先機(jī)，我已經(jīng)將此提案送交國(guó)會(huì)，以保障我國(guó)避免日益嚴(yán)重的網(wǎng)絡(luò)威脅。

說(shuō)到底，由于我國(guó)男女軍人捍衛(wèi)自由，我們才得以維系自由。隨著他們班師回國(guó)，我們必須為他們服務(wù)，就像他們?yōu)槲覀兎?wù)一樣。這包括給予他們應(yīng)得的照顧和福利，那就是為什么自我擔(dān)任總統(tǒng)以來(lái)，我們?yōu)橥宋檐娙说哪甓乳_支年年增長(zhǎng)。它意味著召喚我們的退役軍人重建我們的國(guó)家。

由于獲得本屆國(guó)會(huì)兩黨一致的支持，我們正在為聘用退役軍人的公司提供新的稅務(wù)抵免。米歇爾和吉爾·拜登已與美國(guó)企業(yè)合作，承諾為退役軍人及其家人提供十三萬(wàn)五千份工作。今晚，我提議組成一個(gè)退伍軍人就業(yè)團(tuán)，幫助我們的社區(qū)聘用退役軍人擔(dān)任警察和消防員，使美國(guó)及其保衛(wèi)者同樣強(qiáng)盛。

這就帶回我一開始的主題。我們被派到此地服務(wù)的人可以從我們軍隊(duì)的服務(wù)學(xué)到幾件事。當(dāng)你穿上軍服時(shí)，無(wú)論你是黑人或白人;亞裔、拉美裔、美國(guó)原住民;保守派、自由派;富人、窮人;還是同性戀、異性戀都不重要。當(dāng)你走上戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)，你會(huì)照顧身邊的袍澤，否則任務(wù)將會(huì)失敗。當(dāng)你處在槍林彈雨之中，你們會(huì)全體共進(jìn)退，效忠同一個(gè)國(guó)家，不會(huì)拋下任何一個(gè)人。

我保存的最令人自豪的物品之一，是海豹突擊隊(duì)在執(zhí)行捉拿本·拉登使命時(shí)攜帶的一面旗幟，上面有每一位勇士的姓名。他們中有些可能是民主黨人，有些可能是共和黨人，但這并沒有任何關(guān)系。就像那天在情況室一樣，我坐在鮑勃·蓋茨旁邊，他是喬治·布什政府的國(guó)防部長(zhǎng);當(dāng)時(shí)還有希拉里·克林頓，她曾是我競(jìng)選總統(tǒng)時(shí)的對(duì)手。

那一天最重要的是完成使命。誰(shuí)也沒有想到政治，誰(shuí)也沒有想到自己。參加突襲行動(dòng)的一位年輕人后來(lái)對(duì)我說(shuō)，他沒有資格為這項(xiàng)使命獲得嘉獎(jiǎng)。他說(shuō)，這次使命獲得成功是因?yàn)閰⒓有袆?dòng)的每一位成員都盡了自己的一份力量——將盤旋失控的直升機(jī)降落在地面上的駕駛員;阻止其他人進(jìn)入大院的翻譯;將婦女和兒童與作戰(zhàn)區(qū)隔離的軍人;沖上樓道的海豹突擊隊(duì)。不僅如此，這次使命獲得成功也是因?yàn)閰⒓有袆?dòng)的成員相互信任——因?yàn)槌悄阒烙腥嗽谀闵砗笞鲅谧o(hù)，否則你不可能沖上樓道，在黑夜中履險(xiǎn)如夷。

這就是美國(guó)精神。每當(dāng)看到這面旗幟，我都體會(huì)到我們的命運(yùn)如同旗幟上緊密相連的五十顆星和十三道紅白相間的條紋。建成這個(gè)國(guó)家并非個(gè)人之功。這個(gè)國(guó)家之所以偉大，是因?yàn)槲覀児蚕迨⑴e;這個(gè)國(guó)家之所以偉大，是因?yàn)槲覀兺膮f(xié)力;這個(gè)國(guó)家之所以偉大，是因?yàn)槲覀兿嗷シ龀帧Ｈ绻覀儓?jiān)持這個(gè)真理，那么在這艱難的時(shí)刻，就沒有我們不能戰(zhàn)勝的挑戰(zhàn)，就沒有我們不能完成的使命。只要我們?yōu)榱送粋€(gè)目標(biāo)休戚與共，只要我們堅(jiān)持我們的共同意志，我們?cè)谡魍旧蠈⒁煌鶡o(wú)前，我們的未來(lái)會(huì)充滿希望，我們的國(guó)家將永遠(yuǎn)強(qiáng)盛。

謝謝大家。愿上帝保佑你們，愿上帝保佑美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)。