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《考研英語(yǔ)閱讀理解100篇 高分版》 Unit 7 - TEXT FOUR

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2019年02月03日

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As dusk falls, kerosene stoves ignite in the poorer kitchens of Delhi. Sengeni, who lives on an alley wedged between the Nizamuddin railway tracks and a tributary known as ganda nallah (or dirty ditch), is looking forward to a dish of rice. He is entitled to a quota of 11 litres of cheap kerosene every fortnight, which he buys for about nine rupees (23 cents) a litre, compared with a free-market rate of about 25 rupees. The price hasn't changed for months, he says, despite the surge in oil prices.
In India, as in many countries, the government dares not allow the rising price of crude to be felt in the common man's pockets. Only a third of the 48 developing countries studied in an IMF review let the market set fuel prices. The governments of Yemen and Indonesia, for example, spent more holding down the price of fuel than they spent on health and education combined. Attempts to raise energy prices—as in Yemen in 2005, Nigeria in 2000 or Indonesia in 1998—have a sorry record of prompting riots and revolutions.
India's government subsidises kerosene and liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) directly. It keeps other fuels, such as diesel, artificially cheap by the simple expedient of stopping state oil companies from raising their prices. These firms keep themselves afloat with “oil bonds”, which the government guarantees but does not enter on its books. In October, for example, the government announced it would issue bonds worth 235 billion rupees this fiscal year, which will compensate oil-market companies for about 43% of their losses. All told, India's fuel subsidies might cost as much as $17.5 billion this year, according to Lombard Street Research, a British firm of economists. That amounts to as much as 2% of the country's GDP.
Cheap kerosene fires the poor man's stove in India's cities and lights his home in the country's villages. More prosperous city folk cook instead with more refined gases. Thus a kerosene subsidy can at least claim to be progressive as well as expensive. This is more than can be said for India's cheap LPG. According to Bharat Ramaswami of the Indian Statistical Institute, the richer half of India's urban population captures about three-quarters of this subsidy. Unfortunately, about half of India's subsidised kerosene never makes it to household stoves, he says. It is diverted to the black market, where it is either sold at a higher price or used to adulterate diesel, which sells for about 30 rupees per litre.
This then poses an acute dilemma for the government. The subsidies are costly. Yet more expensive kerosene would hurt the poor (not to mention the government's own electoral prospects). And if it kept kerosene cheap while letting diesel rise in price, it would only increase the scope for arbitrage between the two.
Not all fuel in India is subsidised. By the Nizamuddin rail tracks, a gaggle of children warm themselves on a chilly night by burning scraps of wood. One thick-skinned show-off waves his foot in the flames for a foolhardy second. India's fragile government, on the other hand, is in no mood to play with fire.
1. The word “sorry” (Line 5, Paragraph 2) most probably means _____.
[A] apologizing
[B] negative
[C] feeling bad
[D] unsatisfactory
2. Which one of the following statements is TRUE of India's subsidies on fuel?
[A] The subsidies mainly go to the state oil companies.
[B] The subsidy policy is executed by companies that maintain low prices.
[C] Diesel is subsidized through “oil bonds”.
[D] Half of the subsidized fuel is sold to the black market.
3. The dilemma for the government is caused by _____.
[A] the costly subsidies
[B] the fixed kerosene price
[C] the price gap between the kerosene and diesel
[D] the rise in diesel price
4. India's government is in no mood to play with fire because _____.
[A] it subsidises kerosene and liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) directly
[B] not all of the fuel is subsidized in India because the rich population does not need it
[C] it is facing a difficult dilemma whether to continue fuel subsidy or not
[D] it is too costly to subsidize all the fuel
5. Towards the fuel subsidization strategy in India, the author's attitude can be said to be _____.
[A] supportive
[B] positive
[C] neutral
[D] negative

1. The word “sorry” (Line 5, Paragraph 2) most probably means _____.
[A] apologizing
[B] negative
[C] feeling bad
[D] unsatisfactory
1. sorry這個(gè)詞(第二段第五行)最有可能的意思是 _____。
[A] 道歉的
[B] 負(fù)面的
[C] 感覺(jué)不好的
[D] 不滿意的
答案:B 難度系數(shù):☆☆☆
分析:猜詞題。該詞所在原文是:Attempts to raise energy prices—as in Yemen in 2005, Nigeria in 2000 or Indonesia in 1998—have a sorry record of prompting riots and revolutions. 通過(guò)分析上下文可見(jiàn),這個(gè)詞在這里不帶有任何的個(gè)人感情,而是一種擬人化的用法。該句的譯文是“也門、尼日利亞和印度尼西亞分別于2005年、2000年和1998年試圖提高能源價(jià)格,可最終都以暴亂和革命收?qǐng)?rdquo;??梢?jiàn),A、C和D三個(gè)選項(xiàng)都不符合題意,只有選項(xiàng)B符合。
2. Which one of the following statements is TRUE of India's subsidies on fuel?
[A] The subsidies mainly go to the state oil companies.
[B] The subsidy policy is executed by companies that maintain low prices.
[C] Diesel is subsidized through “oil bonds”.
[D] All of the subsidized fuel is sold to the black market.
2. 關(guān)于印度的燃料補(bǔ)助,下列哪個(gè)陳述是正確的?
[A] 享受補(bǔ)助的主要是國(guó)有的石油公司。
[B] 實(shí)施這項(xiàng)補(bǔ)助政策的是那些保持低價(jià)格的公司。
[C] 柴油通過(guò)“石油債券”進(jìn)行補(bǔ)助。
[D] 所有補(bǔ)助的燃料都賣到了黑市。
答案:C 難度系數(shù):☆☆☆
分析:細(xì)節(jié)題。選項(xiàng)A,從第四段可以看出,普通人都可以享受燃料補(bǔ)助,包括窮人和富人,因此該選項(xiàng)不正確。選項(xiàng)B,實(shí)施補(bǔ)助的行動(dòng)方不是公司,而是政府,因此很明顯該選項(xiàng)錯(cuò)誤。選項(xiàng)C的相關(guān)內(nèi)容在文章第三段有所提及。選項(xiàng)D,第四段提到,補(bǔ)助的煤油一半賣到了黑市,而不是所有補(bǔ)助的燃料。因此,只有選項(xiàng)C符合題意。
3. The dilemma for the government is caused by _____.
[A] the costly subsidies
[B] the fixed kerosene price
[C] the price gap between the kerosene and diesel
[D] the rise in diesel price
3. 政府面臨的兩難境地是由 _____ 引起的。
[A] 昂貴的補(bǔ)助
[B] 固定的煤油價(jià)格
[C] 煤油和柴油之間的價(jià)格差
[D] 柴油價(jià)格的上漲
答案:C 難度系數(shù):☆☆☆☆
分析:推理題。第五段提到,政府面臨的兩難境地是:補(bǔ)助耗費(fèi)大量資金,但如果不補(bǔ)助,煤油價(jià)格上漲會(huì)讓窮人受不了。而且如果煤油很便宜而柴油很貴,那么就會(huì)增加兩者之間的套利幅度??梢苑治鲆幌拢WC煤油補(bǔ)貼,而人們將煤油送到黑市交易套利;但是如果提高煤油價(jià)格,窮人的利益又受到損害。因此,歸根結(jié)底,這個(gè)兩難境地是由于煤油和柴油之間的差價(jià)導(dǎo)致的,因此,正確答案為C。
4. India's government is in no mood to play with fire because _____.
[A] it subsidises kerosene and liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) directly
[B] not all of the fuel is subsidized in India because the rich population does not need it
[C] it is facing a difficult dilemma whether to continue fuel subsidy or not
[D] it is too costly to subsidize all the fuel
4. 印度政府沒(méi)有心思玩火,是因?yàn)?_____。
[A] 它直接補(bǔ)助煤油和液化石油氣
[B] 在印度,并不是所有的燃料都可以獲得補(bǔ)助,因?yàn)楦蝗瞬恍枰魏窝a(bǔ)助
[C] 它目前面臨著一個(gè)進(jìn)退兩難的局面,即是否應(yīng)該繼續(xù)實(shí)施目前的燃料補(bǔ)助政策
[D] 對(duì)所有的能源進(jìn)行補(bǔ)助是非常昂貴的
答案:C 難度系數(shù):☆☆
分析:推理題。文章最后一段提到有人在玩火,緊接著就提出印度卻沒(méi)有心思玩火,原因在倒數(shù)第二段提到,即印度政府面臨著一個(gè)進(jìn)退兩難的困境,因此是否應(yīng)該繼續(xù)實(shí)施燃料補(bǔ)助的政策是一個(gè)很大的問(wèn)題。因此,答案為C。選項(xiàng)D看上去正確,但實(shí)際上卻與題干無(wú)關(guān)。選項(xiàng)B也不正確,因?yàn)槲恼碌谒亩翁岬礁蝗藗儾粌H需要這種補(bǔ)助,他們還利用補(bǔ)助政策為自己謀黑利。選項(xiàng)A顯然與題干無(wú)關(guān)。
5. Towards the fuel subsidization strategy in India, the author's attitude can be said to be _____.
[A] supportive
[B] positive
[C] neutral
[D] negative
5. 作者對(duì)于印度的燃料補(bǔ)助政策的態(tài)度可以說(shuō)是_____。
[A] 支持的
[B] 肯定的
[C] 中立的
[D] 否定的
答案:D 難度系數(shù):☆
分析:態(tài)度題。在這篇文章中,作者多次提到了印度這種燃料補(bǔ)助政策存在的問(wèn)題,比如半數(shù)獲得補(bǔ)助的煤油流入黑市用于套利,而國(guó)家也是陷入了兩難境地。因此,作者對(duì)于印度的燃料補(bǔ)助政策的態(tài)度可以說(shuō)是否定的。答案為D。

黃昏到來(lái)時(shí),煤油爐在德里窮人家中的廚房里點(diǎn)燃了。Sengeni住在Nizamuddin鐵路和ganda nallah(骯臟的河溝)支流中間形成的一個(gè)楔形小巷里,他正盼望著一盤(pán)米飯。每?jī)芍?,他能按配額領(lǐng)取11升的低價(jià)煤油,每升價(jià)格為9盧比(合23美分),而自由市場(chǎng)里的價(jià)格為25盧比。他說(shuō),盡管石油一直在漲價(jià),但這個(gè)價(jià)格幾個(gè)月都沒(méi)變過(guò)。
就像其他許多國(guó)家一樣,印度政府也不敢允許原油價(jià)格的上漲影響普通人的生活。根據(jù)國(guó)際貨幣基金組織的一次研究,48個(gè)發(fā)展中國(guó)家中,只有1/3允許市場(chǎng)決定石油價(jià)格。比如,也門和印尼這兩個(gè)國(guó)家的政府用于控制石油價(jià)格的花費(fèi),比用于醫(yī)療和教育的費(fèi)用加起來(lái)還要多。也門、尼日利亞和印度尼西亞分別于2005年、2000年和1998年試圖提高能源價(jià)格,可最終都以暴亂和革命收?qǐng)觥?br /> 印度政府直接補(bǔ)貼煤油和液化石油氣。政府還禁止國(guó)有石油公司提高價(jià)格,以保證其他燃料(如柴油等)保持低廉的價(jià)格。這些公司自己戴著“石油枷鎖”,這是政府保證的,但是沒(méi)有寫(xiě)入正文。比如10月份,政府宣布將在該財(cái)年發(fā)行價(jià)值2350億盧比的債券,以補(bǔ)償石油市場(chǎng)公司43%的損失。據(jù)英國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家公司Lombard街研究所的研究,今年印度的燃料補(bǔ)助可能要達(dá)到175億盧比,占這個(gè)國(guó)家GDP的2%。
便宜的煤油在印度各個(gè)城市窮人家中的爐子中燃燒著,照亮了鄉(xiāng)下的房子。而在較為富有的城市中,人們用更好的煤氣燒飯。因此,煤油補(bǔ)助至少可以說(shuō)是進(jìn)步的,也是昂貴的。而且相對(duì)于印度低廉的液化石油氣來(lái)說(shuō),貴得就更多了。印度統(tǒng)計(jì)學(xué)會(huì)的Bharat Ramaswami指出,印度城市人口中的那一半富人掠奪了3/4的補(bǔ)助。不幸的是,印度補(bǔ)助的煤油約有一半都沒(méi)有用于家庭中。這些煤油都流到了黑市里,在那里或以高價(jià)賣出,或用于摻入柴油,而柴油的價(jià)格是每升30盧比。
這讓政府面臨著一個(gè)兩難境地。補(bǔ)助很昂貴,但是更貴的煤油會(huì)傷害窮人(更別說(shuō)政府自己選舉的前景了)。如果保證煤油價(jià)格低廉而讓柴油價(jià)格上漲,那么只會(huì)增加兩者之間的套利交易機(jī)會(huì)。
但在印度,并不是所有的燃料都有補(bǔ)助。在Nizamuddin鐵道旁,一群小孩在寒冷的夜晚點(diǎn)了木屑來(lái)取暖。一個(gè)厚臉皮愛(ài)出風(fēng)頭的人在火中晃了晃腳。而另一方面,印度岌岌可危的政府卻根本沒(méi)心思去玩火。
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