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《考研英語閱讀理解100篇 高分版》 Unit 6 - TEXT TWO

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2019年02月01日

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China makes computers, but imports most of its chips. India makes drugs, but copies almost all of the compounds; it writes software, but rarely owns the result. The bolder claims made for all three industries thus have a similar, hollow ring. They have flourished, but mostly on the back of other countries' technology. “We are not at the stage of Intel Inside,” admits Arvind Atignal of Clinigene, a clinical-research firm, drawing his own analogy between desktops and drugs. “We are the keyboard, screens and peripherals.”
How much does this matter? Joseph Xie of SMIC, the Chinese chipmaker, spent seven years working inside Intel. Its strategy, he says, was simple: “Get there first; make most of the money; let the second guy get the change.” That is certainly one way to run a technology firm. But competing in that race is expensive and exhausting. Few of Intel's rivals still try to keep up with it, nanometre by nanometre.
Countries of China's and India's heft and ambition cherish the idea of pushing back the limits of technology. But that push is risky, costly, frustrating work. A country shouldn't do it unless it has to. Although China and India could devote their considerable intellectual resources to solving the problems faced by economies on the technological frontier, why cross that bridge until you reach it? Seen in this light, India's generic drugmakers are models not laggards. They invest in just enough know-how to exploit the rest of the world's discoveries. Thanks to them, Indians enjoy some of the world's cheapest medicines.
Under the WTO's Trade-Related Intellectual Property Rights agreement (TRIPS), India has ceded the right to free-ride foreign advances. It now grants 20 years of patent protection to inventions hatched after 1995. In return, it hopes tighter laws will inspire Indians to new exploits in innovation, and reassure foreigners wary of inventing or making original products in the country.
The tougher laws may yet succeed. A recent study by Bruce Abramson of the World Bank expresses high hopes. A “patent chic” is already detectable in the country, he reports. He has even heard of Indian farmers calling lawyers in the hope of patenting their prize vegetables.
But, as yet, the new regime has not proved its worth. Over 17,000 patent applications were filed in India in 2004-05, almost 40% more than the year before. But only 3,500 were by Indians. Of the 49 most prolific filers in the past decade, 44 are either foreign companies or subsidiaries. Of the five Indian firms, all are either government-sponsored institutes or generic-drug companies, which did fine before TRIPS.
The new regime will be costly to run, if India takes it seriously. But the larger cost lies in the opportunities for unabashed imitation that India has now forgone. These lost opportunities might be quite big. Had Indian firms been prevented from copying fluoroquinolones, for example, the Indian public would have been worse off by the equivalent of $255m a year, reckons a study of the antibiotics market by Shubham Chaudhuri of the World Bank, Pinelopi Goldberg of Yale and Panle Jia of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
1. Arvind Atignal draws an analogy between desktops and drugs because _____.
[A] both of them have a similar prospect in China and India
[B] both industries in India are still lacking core technology
[C] drug-making is marginalized in India
[D] the two industries have a similar operation in India
2. According to the third paragraph, the idea maintained by countries like China and India is _____.
[A] to do the best they could
[B] to solve the technological problems to the best of their ability
[C] to go beyond the limits of technology
[D] to do what they have to
3. India has ceded the right to free-ride foreign advances because _____.
[A] it wants to push back the limits of technology
[B] it is in accordance with TRIPS
[C] it wants to inspire Indians to making innovation
[D] it wants to protect the inventions by the foreigners
4. From the data of the sixth paragraph, it can be inferred that _____.
[A] the tougher laws were not successful since it failed to raise Indians' enthusiasm for patents
[B] Indians were not so inventive as the foreign counterparts measured by patent application
[C] Indians' inventions were negligible because most firms were funded by the government and thus lacked incentive
[D] Indians were still left behind in inventions even under the system that encouraged patenting
5. Towards the future of the new regime, the author's attitude can be said to be _____.
[A] pessimistic
[B] optimistic
[C] dubious
[D] objective

1. Arvind Atignal draws an analogy between desktops and drugs because _____.
[A] both of them have a similar prospect in China and India
[B] both industries in India are still lacking core tech-nology
[C] drug-making is marginalized in India
[D] the two industries have a similar operation in India
1. Arvind Atignal將電腦和藥品做了一個類比,因為 _____。
[A] 它們在中國和印度的前景類似
[B] 它們在印度都缺乏核心技術(shù)
[C] 印度的制藥業(yè)被邊緣化了
[D] 這兩個產(chǎn)業(yè)在印度有相似的運營方式
答案:C 難度系數(shù):☆☆☆
分析:推理題。Arvind Atignal供職于臨床研究公司,他做這樣的類比應(yīng)該是要說明醫(yī)藥方面的情況。對于電腦來說,鍵盤和顯示器只是外圍的設(shè)備,核心是芯片。結(jié)合上文所說的印度制藥業(yè)的情況,可以看出他做這樣的類比是為了說明印度制藥業(yè)的核心還不在自己手上,它們做的一些東西都是邊緣化的。因此,選項C最為符合題意。至于選項B提到的核心技術(shù),相應(yīng)的段落沒有具體敘述,因此B是干擾選項。
2. According to the third paragraph, the idea maintained by countries like China and India is _____.
[A] to do the best they could
[B] to solve the technological problems to the best of their ability
[C] to go beyond the limits of technology
[D] to do what they have to
2. 根據(jù)第三段,類似中國和印度的一些國家持有的觀點是 _____。
[A] 要盡自己最大的努力
[B] 盡他們最大的能力來解決技術(shù)難題
[C] 竭力超越技術(shù)極限
[D] 只做他們必須做的
答案:D 難度系數(shù):☆☆☆
分析:推理題。文章第三段主要就是描述此類國家在技術(shù)創(chuàng)新方面的觀點。他們認(rèn)為,等到了確實需要的時候再進(jìn)行研究,目前需要什么就研究什么,不要過于超前追求技術(shù)的創(chuàng)新。選項A、B和C正好和這個觀點相反,而選項D符合這個觀點的意思,是正確答案。
3. India has ceded the right to free-ride foreign advances because _____.
[A] it wants to push back the limits of technology
[B] it is in accordance with TRIPS
[C] it wants to inspire Indians to making innovation
[D] it wants to protect the inventions by the foreigners
3. 印度已經(jīng)放棄了免費獲取國外先進(jìn)技術(shù)的權(quán)利,這是因為 _____。
[A] 它想要拓展科技的極限
[B] 這是為了與《貿(mào)易相關(guān)知識產(chǎn)權(quán)》協(xié)議保持一致
[C] 它想要激勵印度人進(jìn)行創(chuàng)新
[D] 它想要保護(hù)外國人的發(fā)明
答案:B 難度系數(shù):☆☆☆
分析:推理題。文章第四段講的是,印度目前采取了一些措施想要改變技術(shù)創(chuàng)新的現(xiàn)狀。首先提到,印度依據(jù)世貿(mào)組織的《貿(mào)易相關(guān)知識產(chǎn)權(quán)》協(xié)議,放棄了免費獲取外國先進(jìn)技術(shù)的權(quán)利??梢钥闯?,是這項協(xié)定起的作用,因此,答案為選項B,而其他三個選項的內(nèi)容在第四段中都沒有提到。
4. From the data of the sixth paragraph, it can be inferred that _____.
[A] the tougher laws were not successful since it failed to raise Indians' enthusiasm for patents
[B] Indians were not so inventive as the foreign counterparts measured by patent application
[C] Indians' inventions were negligible because most firms were funded by the government and thus lacked incentive
[D] Indians were still left behind in inventions even under the system that encouraged patenting
4. 從第六段的數(shù)據(jù)可以看出 _____。
[A] 更為嚴(yán)格的法律在激發(fā)印度人對于專利的熱情方面沒有效果
[B] 如果以專利申請的情況來衡量,那么印度人沒有外國人善于發(fā)明創(chuàng)造
[C] 印度人的發(fā)明可以忽略,因為大部分公司都是由政府投資的,因此他們?nèi)狈Πl(fā)明的動力
[D] 即使在鼓勵專利申請的系統(tǒng)下,印度人在發(fā)明創(chuàng)造方面仍然比較落后
答案:D 難度系數(shù):☆☆☆☆
分析:推理題。從文章第六段中給出的數(shù)據(jù)可以明顯地看出,印度人在發(fā)明創(chuàng)造的專利申請方面比起外國人來少之又少,而結(jié)合前面談到的情況,可以得出結(jié)論:印度在發(fā)明創(chuàng)造方面還遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)不如外國人。因此,選項D最為符合。選項A不正確,是因為這些數(shù)據(jù)可能是該法律實施前的數(shù)據(jù)。C只是表面的現(xiàn)象,從深層次來講原因還是印度的發(fā)明創(chuàng)造落后。
5. Towards the future of the new regime, the author's attitude can be said to be _____.
[A] pessimistic
[B] optimistic
[C] dubious
[D] objective
5. 對于這個新興國家的未來,作者的態(tài)度是 _____。
[A] 悲觀的
[B] 樂觀的
[C] 懷疑的
[D] 客觀的
答案:A 難度系數(shù):☆
分析:態(tài)度題。這篇文章介紹了目前印度為改變技術(shù)創(chuàng)新方面的現(xiàn)狀所做的一些努力,但從后面的描述中可以看出,這些舉措還未成功,而且最后談到,這樣的話,印度損失很大。由此可以看出,作者對這個前景的態(tài)度并不樂觀,故選項A最為符合。

中國制造電腦,但大部分芯片都是進(jìn)口的;印度制藥,但幾乎所有的配方都是抄來的;印度還編軟件,但最后的成果卻很少歸他們所有。關(guān)于這三個行業(yè)的大膽設(shè)想都有相似的、空洞的性質(zhì)。這些行業(yè)都很興盛,但是卻要依仗其他國家的技術(shù)。“我們還沒到英特爾內(nèi)核那個層面,”臨床研究公司Clinigene的Arvind Atignal承認(rèn),他將電腦和醫(yī)藥進(jìn)行了類比。“我們只不過是鍵盤、顯示器和一些外圍設(shè)備罷了。”
那么這有多大關(guān)系呢?中國芯片制造商SMIC的Joseph Xie在英特爾公司工作了七年。他說,英特爾的策略很簡單:“先到一個地方,賺大部分錢,讓第二個人得點兒零頭。”這當(dāng)然是運營科技公司的一種方法,但是這種競爭是昂貴的,也是耗費精力的。英特爾的幾個對手仍在追趕它,盡管是以毫微米的速度。
在影響和抱負(fù)方面與中國和印度不相上下的國家都希望能拓展技術(shù)的極限,但是這種做法有一定風(fēng)險、耗費財力且容易落空。一個國家如果不是迫不得已就不應(yīng)該這樣做。盡管中國和印度能夠投入可觀的智力資源來解決在技術(shù)前沿遇到的經(jīng)濟(jì)問題,那為什么不在碰到問題時再跨越這座橋呢?要是這樣看的話,印度的生物制藥商就是典范而不是落后者了。他們只投入了足夠的專門技術(shù)去開發(fā)世界各地的新發(fā)現(xiàn)。正是因為他們,印度人才能夠享受到世界上最便宜的藥物。
根據(jù)世界貿(mào)易組織的《貿(mào)易相關(guān)知識產(chǎn)權(quán)》協(xié)議,印度已經(jīng)放棄了免費獲得國外先進(jìn)技術(shù)的權(quán)利?,F(xiàn)在,印度給予1995年之后的發(fā)明20年的專利保護(hù),希望從緊的法律可以激勵印度人探索新發(fā)明,也讓那些一直對在這個國家進(jìn)行發(fā)明創(chuàng)造充滿戒心的外國人安心。
更為從緊的法律還未成功。不過世界銀行的Bruce Abramson最近進(jìn)行的一項研究表達(dá)了較高的期望。他說,在這個國家已經(jīng)出現(xiàn)了“專利風(fēng)潮”。他甚至曾聽說,印度的農(nóng)民打電話給律師,希望可以為他們得獎的蔬菜申請專利。
但是,這個新興的國家還沒有證實自己的價值。2004年至2005年,印度的專利權(quán)申請有17,000多宗,比前一年多了近40%。但是其中只有3,500宗是印度人申請的。在過去的10年里,49家業(yè)務(wù)最多的專利申請機(jī)構(gòu)中,有44個是外國公司或外國公司的子公司。而這五家印度公司不是政府資助的研究所,就是生物制藥公司,它們在《貿(mào)易相關(guān)知識產(chǎn)權(quán)》協(xié)議生效前就做得很出色。
如果印度真的要這樣做的話,那么它運作起來就太耗費錢財了。但是更大的損失在于印度目前放棄的模仿機(jī)會。這種丟失掉的機(jī)會可能很多。比如,根據(jù)世界銀行的Shubham Chaudhuri、耶魯大學(xué)的Pinelopi Goldberg以及麻省理工大學(xué)的Panle Jia所做的一項關(guān)于抗生素市場的研究,如果禁止印度公司抄襲氟硅酮的配方,那么印度民眾一年可能就要損失2.55億美元。
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