2018年公共英語五級閱讀理解模擬題（2）

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　　Defenders of special protective labor legislation for women often maintain that eliminating such laws would de-stroy the fruits of a century-long struggle for the protection of women workers. Even a brief examination of the his-toric practice of courts and employers would show that the fruit of such laws has been bitter; they are, in practice,more of a curse than a blessing.

　　Sex-defined protective laws have often been based on stereotypical assumptions concerning women' s needs andabilities, and employers have frequently used them as legal excuses for discriminating against women. After the Sec-ond World War, for example, businesses and government sought to persuade women to vacate jobs in factories, thusmaking room in the labor force for returning veterans. The revival or passage of state laws limiting the daily orweekly work hours of women conveuiently accomplished this. Employers had only to declare that overtime hourswere a necessary condition of employment or promotion in their factory, and women could be quite legally fired,refused jobs, or kept at low wage levels, all in the name of "protecting" their health. By validating such laws whenthey are challenged by lawsuits, the courts have colluded over the years in establishing different, less advantageousemployment terms for women than for men, thus reducing women"s competitiveness on the job market. At the sametime, even the most well-intentioned lawmakers, courts, and employers have often been blind to the real needs ofwomen. The lawmakers and the courts continue to permit employers to offer employee health insurance plans thatcover all known human medical disabilities except those relating to pregnancy and Childbirth.

　　Finally, labor laws protecting only special groups are often ineffective at protecting the workers who are actuallyin the workplace. Some chemicals, for example, pose reproductive risks for women of childbearing years; manufac-turers using the chemicals comply with laws protecting women against these hazards by refusing to hire them. Thus the sex-defined legislation protects the hypothetical female worker, but has no effect whatever on the safety of anyactual employee. The health risks to male employees in such industries cannot be negligible, since chemicals toxic e-nough to cause birth defects in fetuses or sterility in women are presumably harmful to the human metabolism. Pro-tectiv—— laws aimed at changing production materials or techniques in order to reduce such hazards would benefit allemployees without discriminating against any.

　　In sum, protective labor laws for women are discriminatory.and do not meet their intended purpose. Legislatorsshould recognize that women are in the work force to stay, and that their needs--good health care, a decent wage,and a safe workplace--are the needs of all workers. Laws that ignore these facts violate women's rights for equalprotection in employment.

　　56. According to the author, which of the following resulted from the passage or revival of state laws limiting

　　the work hours of women workers?

　　[A] Women workers were compelled to leave their jobs in factories.

　　[B] Many employers had difficulty in providing jobs for returning veterans.

　　[C] Many employers found it hard to attract women workers.

　　[D] The health of most women factory workers improved.

　　57. According to the first paragraph of the passage, the author considers which of the following to be most help-ful in determining the value of special .protective labor legislation for women?

　　[A] A comparative study of patterns of work-related illnesses in states that had such laws and in states that did not.

　　[B] An estimate of how many women workers are in favor of such laws.

　　[C] An analysis of the cost to employers of complying with such laws.

　　[D] An examination of the actual effects that such laws have had in the past on women workers.

　　58. The main point of the passage is that special protective labor laws for women workers are__________

　　[A] unnecessary because most workers are well protected by existing labor laws

　　[B] harmful to the economic interests of women workers while offering them little or no actual protection

　　[C] not worth preserving even though they do represent a hardwon legacy of the labor movement

　　[D] controversial because male workers receive less protection than they require

　　59. The author implies that which of the following is characteristic of many employee health insurance plans?

　　[A] They cover all the common medical conditions affecting men, but only some of those affecting women.

　　[B] They lack the special provisions for women workers that proposed special labor laws for women would provide.

　　[C] They pay the medical costs associated with pregnancy and childbirth only for the spouses of male em-ployees, not for female employees.

　　[D] They meet minimum legal requirements, but do not adeqately safeguard the health of either male or female employees.

　　60. According to the passage, special labor laws protecting women workers tend generally to have which of the following effects?

　　[A] They tend to modify the stereotypes employees often hold concerning women.

　　[B] They increase the advantage to employers of hiring men instead of women, making it less likely that women will be hired.

　　[C] They decrease the likelihood that employers will offer more protection to women workers than that which is absolutely required by law.

　　[D] They increase the tendency of employers to deny health insurance and disability plans to women workers.

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　　答案及解析

　　56.A【解析】從第二段前兩句話可以看出，婦女被以能力和需要的理由勸離工廠，故A項正確。沒有足夠的工作給老兵不是由限制婦女工作時間的法律造成的，所以B項不正確。C項文中沒有提及。根據(jù)文章第三段可知婦女的健康不是改善了，而是下降了，故D項也不正確。

　　57.D【解析】A、B、C項文中均沒有提到。根據(jù)第三段的論述，可知D項是惟一正確的。

　　58.B【解析】根據(jù)第三段和第四段的論述，我們可以得知作者的總體看法，即特別的勞工防護法并沒有保護婦女的權(quán)益，故B項正確。A項與作者的觀點明顯相悖，所以不正確。C項從文中不能推知，故不正確。文中沒有提到男性工人的保護問題，故D項也不正確。59.A【解析】由第二段最后一句話可知A項正確。B項不能從文中推知。C項文中沒有提及。男性工人的健康在法律中是得到考慮了的，故D項不正確。

　　60.B【解析】對于婦女的慣常思維沒有因為法律而變化，所以A項不正確。根據(jù)第二段第一句話可知B項正確。從常識判斷，雇主是不會主動提出提高婦女權(quán)益保護的，所以他們的保護不會比立法前多，故C項是不正確的。D項從文中不能推斷出。