聽力課堂TED音頻欄目主要包括TED演講的音頻MP3及中英雙語文稿,供各位英語愛好者學習使用。本文主要內(nèi)容為演講MP3+雙語文稿:我們?nèi)绾问狗N族主義成為一個可以解決的問題,希望你會喜歡!
【演講者及介紹】Phillip Atiba Goff
司法科學家菲利普-阿提巴-戈夫(Phillip Atiba Goff)與警察部門合作,幫助公共安全變得更公平、更不致命。
【演講主題】我們?nèi)绾问狗N族主義成為一個可以解決的問題 -- -- 并改進警務工作
How we can make racism a solvable problem -- and improve policing
【中英文字幕】
翻譯者Jiasi Hao 校對者功偉 邢
00:14
When people meet me for the first time on my job, they often feel inspired to share a revelation they've had about me, and it kind of goes something like this. "Hey, I know why police chiefs like to share their deep, dark secrets with you. Phil, with your PhD in psychology, and your shiny bald head, you're basically the Black Dr. Phil, right?"
當人們第一次在我工作時見到我, 他們總是備受鼓舞地和我分享 對我的看法, 一般像是這樣。 “嘿,我知道為什么警長 喜歡和你分享 他們內(nèi)心深處的黑暗秘密。 菲爾, 以你的心理學博士學位, 和锃亮的光頭, 你差不多就是黑人版的菲爾博士,對吧?” (注:美國心理治療大師菲爾·麥格勞博士)
00:34
(Laughter)
(笑聲)
00:35
And for each and every person who's ever said that to me I do want to say thank you because that was the first time I ever heard that joke.
對于每一個和我說過這些話的人, 我想和他們說一句謝謝, 因為這是我第一次聽到這個笑話。
00:42
(Laughter)
(笑聲)
00:43
But for everybody else, I really hope you'll believe me when I tell you no police chief likes talking to me because they think I'm a clinical psychologist. And also I'm not. I have no idea what your mother did to you, and I can't help.
但對于其他人,當我告訴你們 沒有警長喜歡和我交談, 我真的希望你們相信我, 因為他們認為 我是一名臨床心理學家。 但我不是。 我并不知道你母親對你做了什么, 我也沒法幫助你。
00:54
(Laughter)
(笑聲)
00:55
Police chiefs like talking to me because I'm an expert on a problem that feels impossible for them to solve: racism in their profession. Now my expertise comes from being a scientist who studies how our minds learn to associate Blackness and crime and misperceive Black children as older than they actually are. It also comes from studying actual police behavior, which is how I know that every year, about one in five adults in the United States has contact with law enforcement. Out of those, about a million are targeted for police use of force. And if you're Black, you're two to four times more likely to be targeted for that force than if you're white. But it also comes from knowing what those statistics feel like. I've experienced the fear of seeing an officer unclip their gun and the panic of realizing that someone might mistake my 13-year-old godson as old enough to be a threat. So when a police chief, or a pastor, or an imam, or a mother -- when they call me after an officer shoots another unarmed Black child, I understand a bit of the pain in their voice. It's the pain of a heart breaking when it fails to solve a deadly problem. Breaking from trying to do something that feels simultaneously necessary and impossible. The way trying to fix racism usually feels. Necessary and impossible.
警長喜歡與我交談 因為我能解決他們無力解決的問題: 他們工作中的種族主義。 我的專業(yè)性來自于一個科學家身份: 研究我們的大腦 是如何將黑人與犯罪聯(lián)系起來, 并誤認為黑人孩子的年齡 比他們的實際年齡大。 我的專業(yè)性也來自于 對警察行為的研究。 這也是我如何知道在每年, 每五個美國成年人中就有一個 與執(zhí)法部門有聯(lián)系。 在這些人中約有 100 萬人 是警察動用武力的目標。 如果你是黑人, 相比較于白人, 你被警察當作執(zhí)法目標 的可能性是白人的三到五倍。 但我的專業(yè)性也同時來自于 知道這些數(shù)字的感覺。 我親身經(jīng)歷過看著一個警官 解鎖槍支的那種畏懼, 以及意識到某人可能會 把我 13 歲的教子 誤認為是一個威脅的驚恐。 所以當一個警長, 或一個牧師、 一個清真寺領(lǐng)拜人, 或是一個母親—— 在看到一個警官槍擊 非武裝黑人孩子后,打電話給我, 我能夠理解他們聲音中的痛苦。 這是當一個致命問題無法 被解決時,心碎的痛苦, 從嘗試做些 感覺必要但又不可能 的事情中掙脫出來, 就是解決種族主義問題時 的那種感覺。 必要的且不可能的。
02:21
So, police chiefs like talking to me because I'm an expert, but I doubt they'd be lining up to lie down on Dr. Phil's couch if I told them all their problems were hopeless. All of my research, and the decade of work I've done with my center -- the Center for Policing Equity -- actually leads me to a hopeful conclusion amidst all the heartbreak of race in America, which is this: trying to solve racism feels impossible because our definition of racism makes it impossible -- but it doesn't have to be that way. So here's what I mean. The most common definition of racism is that racist behaviors are the product of contaminated hearts and minds. When you listen to the way we talk about trying to cure racism, you'll hear it. "We need to stamp out hatred. We need to combat ignorance," right? It's hearts and minds. Now the only problem with that definition is that it's completely wrong -- both scientifically and otherwise. One of the foundational insights of social psychology is that attitudes are very weak predictors of behaviors, but more importantly than that, no Black community has ever taken to the streets to demand that white people would love us more. Communities march to stop the killing, because racism is about behaviors, not feelings. And even when civil rights leaders like King and Fannie Lou Hamer used the language of love, the racism they fought, that was segregation and brutality. It's actions over feelings. And every one of those leaders would agree, if a definition of racism makes it harder to see the injuries racism causes, that's not just wrong. A definition that cares about the intentions of abusers more than the harms to the abused -- that definition of racism is racist.
所以警長喜歡和我說話, 因為我是一個專家, 但如果我和他們說 你們所有的未解問題都毫無希望, 我懷疑他們是否還會 排隊來睡菲爾博士的沙發(fā)。 我的所有研究, 以及在我們中心十年來的工作—— 警務公正中心—— 讓我在美國種族的心碎中找到了 一個充滿希望的結(jié)論, 就是: 嘗試解決種族主義感覺不可能, 是因為我們對種族主義的定義 讓這件事變得不可能—— 但這并非只能以那種方法解決。 我的意思是, 對于種族主義最普遍的定義 是那些內(nèi)心和頭腦被玷污的人 所做出的種族歧視行為。 當你聽到我們談論 如何解決種族主義的方法時, 你會聽到這些, “我們需要澆滅仇恨。 我們需要對抗無知?!睂Π?? 這種想法已經(jīng)根深蒂固。 那個定義的唯一問題就是, 定義本身是完全錯誤的—— 不論從科學上,還是其他方面講。 一個社會心理學的基本觀點是, 人們的態(tài)度是他們行為的 一個非常微弱的預測指標, 但更重要的是, 沒有一個黑人社區(qū)曾走上街頭 要求白人多愛我們一些。 社區(qū)為阻止殺戮而游行, 因為種族主義關(guān)乎于行為, 而非感覺。 甚至當民權(quán)領(lǐng)袖們 例如馬丁·路德·金和芬妮·露·哈默, 使用愛的語言, 他們?yōu)橹鴳?zhàn)的種族主義 依然是隔離和暴行。 這是超越感受的行為。 而且每一個領(lǐng)袖都會同意, 如果種族主義的定義 使得因其思想下帶來的傷害行為 更難以被看到, 這不僅只是錯誤的。 這個定義關(guān)注的是施虐者的意圖, 而不是對受虐者的傷害—— 那個種族主義的定義本身 就是種族主義的。
04:06
But when we change the definition of racism from attitudes to behaviors, we transform that problem from impossible to solvable. Because you can measure behaviors. And when you can measure a problem, you can tap into one of the only universal rules of organizational success. You've got a problem or a goal, you measure it, you hold yourself accountable to that metric. So if every other organization measures success this way, why can't we do that in policing?
但是,當我們將種族主義的定義 從態(tài)度改變?yōu)樾袨椋?我們就把問題 從不可解轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)榭山狻?因為你可以測量行為, 當你可以丈量一個問題時, 你可以挖掘利用組織成功 的其中一條通用規(guī)則。 你已有一個問題或目標,你測量它, 之后你對自己的指標負責。 倘若其他每個組織都 以這樣的方法來衡量成功, 警務工作為何不可?
04:36
It turns out we actually already do. Police departments already practice data-driven accountability, it's just for crime. The vast majority of police departments across the United States use a system called CompStat. It's a process that, when you use it right, it identifies crime data, it tracks it and identifies patterns, and then it allows departments to hold themselves accountable to public safety goals. It usually works either by directing police attentions and police resources, or changing police behavior once they show up. So if I see a string of muggings in that neighborhood, I'm going to want to increase patrols in that neighborhood. If I see a spike in homicides, I'm going to want to talk to the community to find out why and collaborate on changes on police behavior to tamp down the violence. Now when you define racism in terms of measurable behaviors, you can do the same thing. You can create a CompStat for justice. That's exactly what the Center for Policing Equity has been doing. So let me tell you how that works.
事實證明我們已經(jīng)開始這么做了。 警局已經(jīng)實行了 數(shù)據(jù)驅(qū)動的責任制, 這僅適用于犯罪。 美國大部分的警局 用的是一個叫 CompStat 的系統(tǒng)。 如果你正確使用這個流程, 它能識別犯罪數(shù)據(jù), 追蹤并識別犯罪模式, 之后它能讓警局 為他們自己制定的公共安全目標 負責。 一旦情況出現(xiàn),系統(tǒng)一般通過 引導警察關(guān)注點和資源, 或通過改變警察行為起作用。 所以如果我在這個社區(qū) 看到一連串的攔路搶劫, 我將想要看到該社區(qū) 警察巡邏的加強。 如果我看到蓄意殺人案件激增, 我想要通過跟社區(qū)居民交談 來找出原因, 并協(xié)作改變警察行為以打擊暴力。 當你用可測量行為 定義種族主義, 你可以做同樣的事情。 你可以為警務公正 搭建 CompStat。 這正是我們警務公正中心 一直在做的事情。 讓我來說說它是如何運作的。
05:37
After a police department invites us in, we handle the legal stuff, we engage with the community, our next step is to analyze their data. The goal of these analyses is to determine how much do crime, poverty, neighborhood demographics predict, let's say, police use of force? Let's say that those factors predict police will use force on this many Black people. There? So our next question is, how many Black people actually are targeted for police use of force? Let's say it's this many. So what's up with the gap? Well, a big portion of the gap is the difference between what's predicted by things police can't control and what's predicted by things police can control -- their policies and their behaviors. And what we're looking for are the types of contact or the areas in the city where that gap is biggest, because then we can tell our partners, "Look here. Solve this problem first." It's actually the kind of therapy police chiefs can get behind, because there is nothing so inspiring in the face of our history of racism as a solvable problem.
在一個警局邀請我們加入后, 我們處理法律事務, 我們參與社區(qū), 我們的下一步是分析他們的數(shù)據(jù)。 這些分析的目標是測定 犯罪、貧困和社區(qū)人口統(tǒng)計因子, 就說,預測警方動用武力的能力? 我們假設(shè)那些因子預測 警方會對這么多黑人動用武裝力量。 我說清楚了嗎? 那我們下一個問題是, 實際上有多少黑人 是警察動用武力的目標? 我們說有這么多。 那這里的數(shù)差是怎么回事? 大部分的差距是由于 警察控制范圍外的因子預測 與警察控制范圍內(nèi)的因子預測差異—— 他們的政策和行為。 我們正在尋找一種接觸模式, 或是數(shù)差最大的 城市地區(qū), 因為這樣我們就可以 告訴我們的合作伙伴, “看這,先解決這個問題?!?這實際上是一種 警長們能理解的方法, 因為面對我們的種族主義歷史, 從來沒有什么比這個可解決的問題 更鼓舞人心。
06:43
Look, if the community in Minneapolis asked their police department to remedy the moral failings of race in policing, I'm not sure they know how to do that. But if instead the community says, "Hey, you're data say you're beating up a lot of homeless folks. You want to knock that off?" That's something police can learn how to do. And they did. So in 2015, the Minneapolis PD let us know their community was concerned they were using force too often. So we showed them how to leverage their own data to identify situations where force could be avoided. And when you look at those data, you'll see that a disproportionate number of their use-of-force incidents, they involved somebody who's homeless, in mental distress, has a substance abuse issue or some combination of all three -- more than you expect based on those factors I was just telling you about.
如果明尼阿波利斯的一個社區(qū) 要求他們的警局 改進警務工作中 關(guān)于種族的道德淪陷, 我不確定他們知道怎么做。 但相反,如果社區(qū)說, “嘿,你們的數(shù)據(jù)表明你 們正在毒打很多無家可歸的人。 你們想要解決這個嗎?” 那是警察可以學習如何做到的事。 他們也做到了。 在 2015 年, 明尼阿波利斯警局告訴我們 他們的社區(qū) 擔心他們過度使用武力。 所以我們給他們展示 如何使用他們自己的數(shù)據(jù) 來識別哪些情況下 可以避免使用武力。 當你看著那些數(shù)據(jù), 你會看到不成比例的 使用武力事件數(shù)量, 其中包括流浪漢、 遭受精神困擾的人, 以及有藥物濫用問題的人, 或這三種的組合—— 基于我剛講到的那些因子, 這個數(shù)量超出預期。
07:30
So right there's the gap. Next question is why. Well, it turns out homeless folks often need services. And when those services are unavailable, when they can't get their meds, they lose their spot in the shelter, they're more likely to engage in behaviors that end up with folks calling the cops. And when the cops show up, they're more likely to resist intervention, oftentimes because they haven't actually done anything illegal, they're literally just living outside. The problem wasn't a need to train officers differently in Minneapolis. The problem was the fact that folks were using the cops to "treat" substance abuse and homelessness in the first place. So the city of Minneapolis found a way to deliver social services and city resources to the homeless community before anybody ever called the cops.
所以沒錯,這里有個差距。 下一個問題是為什么。 結(jié)果發(fā)現(xiàn), 那些流浪漢經(jīng)常需要社會服務。 當他們獲取不到服務, 當他們無法拿到他們的藥時, 他們會失去在庇護所的位置, 他們就更有可能做出 讓別人報警的行為。 當警察出現(xiàn), 他們更有可能反抗其介入, 很多時候因為 他們沒有做任何非法的事情, 只是他們睡在大街上。 明尼阿波利斯的問題 不是需要改變訓練警察的方法, 問題是,人們一開始就利用警察 來“對待”那些 藥物濫用和無家可歸的人。 所以明尼阿波利斯找到了 一個為流浪社區(qū) 提供社會服務和城市資源的方法, 甚至在任何人報警之前。
08:13
(Applause)
(掌聲)
08:21
Now the problem isn't always homelessness, right? Sometimes the problem is fear of immigration enforcement, like it was in Salt Lake City, or it is in Houston, where the chiefs had to come forward and say, "We're not going to deport you just for calling 911." Or the problem is foot pursuits, like it was in Las Vegas, where they had to train their officers to slow down and take a breath instead of allowing the adrenaline in that situation to escalate it. It's searches in Oakland; it's pulling folks out of cars in San Jose; it's the way that they patrol the neighborhoods that make up Zone 3 in Pittsburgh and the Black neighborhoods closest to the waterfront in Baltimore. But in each city, if we can give them a solvable problem, they get busy solving it. And together our partners have seen an average of 25 percent fewer arrests, fewer use-of-force incidents and 13 percent fewer officer-related injuries. Essentially, by identifying the biggest gaps and directing police attentions to solving it, we can deliver a data-driven vaccine against racial disparities in policing.
問題不總是那些流浪漢,對吧? 有時問題是對移民政策的恐懼, 比如鹽湖城,或休斯頓。 那里的警長們需要站出來 并說:“我們不會因為你報警 而將你驅(qū)逐出境?!?或是徒步追擊問題, 例如拉斯維加斯。 那里的警官需要 訓練警官們慢下來,喘個氣, 而不是任憑 腎上腺素在那個場景下飆升。 在奧克蘭有無數(shù)的搜查; 在圣荷西有把人拉出車輛的事情; 這是他們在匹茲堡 3 區(qū) 以及巴爾的摩 最靠近海濱區(qū)域 的黑人社區(qū)的巡邏方式。 但是每個城市, 如果我們可以給他們可解決的問題, 他們就會忙于解決它。 我們所有的合作伙伴已經(jīng)見證, 平均逮捕率 下降了 25% , 武力使用事件更少, 警察相關(guān)傷害事件下降了 13%。 通過識別那些最大的差距 并且轉(zhuǎn)移警察注意力去解決它, 我們可以制作一劑數(shù)據(jù)驅(qū)動疫苗 對抗警務中的種族差異對待。
09:24
Right now, we have the capacity to partner with about 40 cities at a time. That means if we want the United States to stop feeling exhausted from trying to solve an impossible problem, we're going to need a lot more infrastructure. Because our goal is to have our tools be able to scale the brilliance of dedicated organizers and reform-minded chiefs. So to get there we're going to need the kind of collective will that desegregated schools and won the franchise for the sons and daughters of former slaves so that we can build a kind of health care system capable of delivering our vaccine across the country. Because our audacious idea is to deliver a CompStat for justice to departments serving 100 million people across the United States in the next five years.
現(xiàn)在,我們有能力 同時與約 40 個城市合作, 這意味著如果我們想要美國 不再因為嘗試解決不可解問題 而精疲力盡, 我們將需要 更多的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施的投入。 因為我們的目標是 讓我們的工具能夠無限放大 那些敬業(yè)的組織者和具有改革意識 的長官們的光輝才華。 為了達成這個目的, 我們需要集體意志: 解除學校種族隔離, 并為奴隸的后代贏取特權(quán), 這樣我們就可以建立 能在全國范圍內(nèi)提供疫苗的 健康醫(yī)療體系。 因為我們大膽創(chuàng)新的想法 是在未來五年, 為美國上下服務 1 億人民的部門 創(chuàng)造為公正而生的 CompStat。
10:12
(Applause and cheers)
(掌聲與喝彩)
10:19
Doing that would mean arming about a third of the United States with tools to reduce racial disparities in police stops, arrests and use of force, but also tools to reduce predatory cash bail and mass incarceration, family instability and chronic mental health and substance abuse issues, and every other ill that our broken criminal-legal systems aggravate. Because every unnecessary arrest we can prevent saves a family from the terrifying journey through each one of those systems. Just like every gun we can leave holstered saves an entire community from a lifetime of grief.
做這事代表著 為1/3 的美國警察在 制止、逮捕和使用武力過程中 提供減少種族歧視的工具, 該工具也能減少掠奪性現(xiàn)金保釋、 大規(guī)模監(jiān)禁、 家庭不穩(wěn)定、 慢性精神健康和藥物濫用問題, 以及所有其他加劇惡化 我們刑事法律制度的不合理現(xiàn)象。 因為每一起我們能阻止的 非必要逮捕 都能挽救一個家庭, 免于被任一系統(tǒng)制度的摧殘踐踏。 就像每一次我們把槍留在槍套中, 都能避免整個社區(qū)的一生悲傷。
10:55
Look, each and every one of us, we measure the things that matter to us. Businesses measure profit; good students keep track of their grades; families chart the growth of their children with pencil markings in doorframes. We all measure the things that matter most to us, which is why we feel the neglect when nobody's bothering to measure anything at all.
我們每個人、每一次, 都會丈量我們在意的事情。 生意人計算利潤, 好學生持續(xù)追蹤自己的成績, 家人們在門框邊用筆 記錄他們孩子的成長。 我們都在丈量自己最在意的事情, 這就是為什么 當沒人愿意費力去測量的時候, 我們感到被忽視。
11:21
For the past quarter millennium, we've defined the problems of race and policing in a way that's functionally impossible to measure. But now the science says we can just change that definition. And the folks at the Center for Policing Equity, I actually think we may have measured more police behavior than any one in human history. And that means that once we have the will and the resources to do it, this could be the generation that stops feeling like racism is an unsolvable problem and instead sees that what's been necessary for far too long is possible.
在過去的 25 年間, 我們已經(jīng)將 警務和種族的問題定義成 一個功能上不可測量的問題。 但現(xiàn)在,科學表明 我們只需要改變那個定義。 在警務公正中心的人們, 我實際上認為我們已測量的 警察行為可能是人類歷史上最多的。 這意味著一旦我們有了意志 以及資源去做這件事, 我們有機會成為第一代 不再認為種族主義 是一個不可解問題的人, 我們反而會看到 一件必要的,卻已經(jīng)等待了 太久的事情,成為了可能。
12:05
Thank you.
謝謝。
12:06
(Applause and cheers)
(掌聲與喝彩)